Tuesday, December 10, 2013

Death of Mostafa Howlader - Tribunal witnesses must not be targeted

Please note that post has been amended from the original one, see *s below
-----------------------------

Mostafa Howlader, a witness against Delwar Hossain Sayedee, has died from his injuries in Dhaka Central Medical Hospital.

This is absolutely chilling. Any violence against witnesses of the tribunal has to stop. Whilst, the exact identity of those responsible for the incident that resulted in the killing are not yet known - according to a report in the Dhaka Tribune, Mostafa Howlawder identified them as activists of the Jamaat-e-Islami/BNP.
'Mostafa’s son Hafizur Rahman, 20, called another witness against Sayedee Ruhul Amin Nobin immediately after the attack. Hafiz told Nobin that he had recognised two of the three attackers who chopped his father with a machete. They were activists of BNP and Jamaat, he said.'
It should be noted that the Jammat argue that this interpretation is not consistent with earlier reports of the event. banglanews24 reported at 9.32 am on 8th December 2013 that 'Nasir Uddin, the Officer In Charge (OC) of Indurkani Police officer informed Bangla News that during midnight burglars entered into his house at which Mostofa and his wife get up and at that time both were seriously injured by sharp object of the burglar.' Daily Shamakal reported the same news in its onine version on the same date at 13.58 pm *(new para added)

Whilst this incident may be a burglary unconnected with the ICT, I think it is a reasonable assumption to make that it is connected.*(new para added)

Assuming for the moment - and I accept that the evidence remains unclear*(new phrase added) - that the claim in the Dhaka Tribune is correct, it is somewhat extraordinary that whilst the Jamaat-e-Islami lawyers are putting such great (and in my view legitimate) efforts to prevent the Bangladesh state killing Abdul Quader Molla through a judicial process, at the same time the party's supporters are apparently responsible for the death of a trial witness. Any moral high ground that the Jamaat lawyers feel that they are on, is just cut from beneath them.

I have written critically about the Delwar Hossain Sayedee trial and have raised many issues about the credibility of the whole trial process - but whatever concerns one may have about the integrity of the trial nothing justifies the harming of the witnesses.

We are at a dangerous moment in Bangladesh. There is significant concern that if the Awami League loses hold of the state apparatus, there will be significant blood letting against those perceived to have been responsible or involved in the government's so called 'misrule' over the last five years. Those targeted could, it seems, include the international tribunal witnesses. This is a terrible possibility and must not be allowed to happen

Many trials witnesses must be  scared of what could happen to them. The Jamaat and the BNP should make clear public statements that no tribunal witness should be targeted by their supporters.

To see the evidence that Mostafa Howlader gave, go to this page, and look at the 8th witness

Govt decides jail code does not apply to Molla

This is a copy of the article in today's New Age, (though it does includes some additional paragraphs about the appellate division review application at the end which were edited out of the paper's version due to space.)
Govt decides jail code does not apply to Molla 
David Bergman

Abdul Quader Molla, whose execution warrant was sent on Sunday to the Dhaka Central Jail, will be executed without application of the jail code, New Age has confirmed.
The Inspector General of Prisons, Mainuddin Khandaker told New Age, ‘We will absolutely apply the 1973 International Crimes (Tribunal) Act.’
He said that this meant that ‘the jail code does not apply’ and that the jail authorities just have to wait ‘for direction from the home ministry’ before taking steps to execute Molla.
Quamrul Islam, the state minister for law, also told New Age, ‘Yes, the jail code does not apply, that is correct.’
Without application of the jail code, Molla will not have the right to take a period of 15 days to decide whether to seek presidential mercy.
According to rule 991(1) of the code, as amended in May 2010, the jail authorities should inform the convict immediately on receiving a warrant for execution that ‘if he desires to submit a petition for mercy [to the president], it must be submitted in writing within fifteen days … ’
Application of the code would also have allowed a further delay of 21 days in Molla’s execution after the president had rejected any mercy application that he might have made.
The inspector general told New Age that as far as he knew this was for the first time that the jail code would not apply to the execution of a person detained in a Bangladeshi prison.
‘The jail code normally applies to other cases, where there is no bar. But in this case, which is a new example for us, the International Crimes Tribunal is a completely comprehensive act and that is why the code does not apply,’ he said.
‘Yes, this is the first case of its kind.’
On 5 February, the International Crimes Tribunal convicted Molla on five counts of crimes against humanity involving offences during the 1971 war of independence sentencing him to life imprisonment. It also acquitted him on one other count.
Following large protests in the Shahbagh area of Dhaka demanding that Molla receive the death penalty, the government changed the law, allowing the prosecution to appeal against the sentences of life imprisonment, the defence already having that right.
On 17 September 2013, the appellate division, in a majority judgment, dismissed the appeals made by Quader Molla’s lawyers confirming the convictions on five counts, reversing the verdict of acquittal on one count, and handing down the death sentence on one count concerning his involvement in the massacre of a family.
The Inspector General of Prisons, who was until four days ago an additional secretary to the home ministry, referred to two sections of the 1973 law to explain why the jail code did not apply to Molla.
Section 26, he said, showed that ‘the Act overrides all other laws.’
The section states, ‘The provisions of this Act shall have effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith contained in any other law for the time being in force.’
He then referred to section 20(3) of the 1973 law, which states, ‘The sentence awarded under this Act shall be carried out in accordance with the orders of the Government.’
‘The government for us means the ministry of home affairs and we are waiting to get direction from the ministry before we proceed,’ he said.
He said that he had not received any order from the home affairs ministry as yet.
Khandaker, the IGP, explained to New Age that the prison service had not sought any legal opinion on this matter.
‘We are not supposed to write anything, or seek any legal opinion,’ he said.
When asked how he had come to the conclusion about the non-application of the jail code, he said, ‘It is not my interpretation. The 1973 law is there, and so is the verdict of higher court and warrant of execution.’
The IGP spoke to New Age after taking part in a meeting at the Law Ministry attended by amongst others the Shafique Ahmed, the adviser to the prime minister, and Quamrul Islam, the state minister for law
The opinion of the law ministry and the inspector general of prisons stands in contrast with the statement made on Sunday by the ICT prosecutor Zead Al Malum who said, ‘The prison authorities will now execute him in line with the jail codes’ and stated that only ‘a presidential clemency’ could stop the execution.
On hearing that the government had taken a decision that the jail code did not apply, Abdur Razzaq, the head of the defence legal team, said, ‘It is our question how will the government carry out the execution. Will it be by rope? Will it be by injection? How many seconds will Molla be kept hanging? All these details are only found in the jail code.’
‘The government is effectively saying that in the manner of hanging we will follow the jail code, but when it does not suit us we will not,’ he added.
Razzaq also pointed out that the jail authorities had all along accepted that the jail code applied to Molla and the other war crimes accused, ‘by giving them division’ and that ‘the prosecution and tribunal have never argued before that the jail code do not apply’.
The only other potential legal obstacle to the execution of Molla is the question of whether the defence have a right to seek a review of the order of the appellate division judgment.
Mahbubey Alam, the Attorney General, has stated that the constitutional provision does not apply to this appellate division judgment since it is an appeal from the international crimes tribunal.
Although, appellate division rules allows an application 30 days to file a review, Molla’s defence lawyers intend to file within the next few days, though the lawyers are yet to receive a certified copy of the judgment which must accompany any application.
The appellate division will first determine whether the application is ‘maintainable’ and if it decides this in the affirmative, whether there is any merit to the application.
Review applications are very rarely upheld. In order to succeed it is necessary for Molla’s lawyers to show that there is an 'error apparent on the face of the record.'

Monday, December 9, 2013

Is Molla's 'Warrant of Execution' defective?

Molla's defence lawyers have come up with an interesting legal argument concerning the 'warrant of execution'  that was signed on Sunday by the International Crimes Tribunal and sent to Dhaka central jail concerning Abdul Quader Molla

To read the background about this case see: 

It is a simple procedural matter, and even if the argument is accepted by the appellate division, it can easily be corrected - but none-the-less, in the apparent head long rush to execution, it could delay things for a few days.

The argument is contained in a legal notice sent to a number of government and judicial figures (including the Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs; Inspector General of Prison; and District Magistrate of Dhaka) stating that the warrant of execution was 'defective'.

The lawyers's argument is that the warrant of execution should have been signed by the appellate division, and not the international crimes tribunal, as it was the appellate division which actually imposed the death sentence and not the ICT (which imposed sentences of life imprisonment)

In support of their argument, the defence lawyer point to Rule 979 of the jail code. This states as follows:
'When a prisoner is sentenced to death, the police officer who attends the trial shall at once inform the Senior Superintendant/Superintendent of Jail in writing of the sentence that has been passed and if the sentence is passed by a Sessions Judge, that officer will issue a warrant of commitment pending confirmation of sentence by the High Court Division of the Supreme Court. When the sentence of has been confirmed by the High Court Division or is passed by the High Court Division, a warrant for execution of the sentence will be transmitted by the Sessions Judge or an officer of the High court Division (Supreme Court) as the case may be to the Senior Superintendent of the jail in which the person so sentenced is confined.' (emphasis added)
How this complex section is relevant, needs some explanation.

The first part of the emphasised text reads:
'....if the sentence is passed by a Sessions Judge, that officer will issue a warrant of commitment pending confirmation of sentence by the High Court Division of the Supreme Court.'
The sessions judge is the judge of the trial court. This clearly states that when the Sessions Judge passes the death sentence, it will be the court that issue the warrant.

It then goes on:
'When the sentence of has been confirmed by the High Court Division ...'
Now in Bangladesh, all sentences of death automatically go to the High Court for appeal. So the phrase - 'When the sentence of has been confirmed by the High Court Division ...' - refers to a situation when a trial court (sessions court) has passed a death sentence and the High Court has upheld it.

The paragraph goes on:
'or is passed by the High Court Division ...'
This means when the trial court (sessions court) has not imposed the death penalty, but the high court has determined that a death sentence should be imposed.

Now the next bit is the important bit:
'a warrant for execution of the sentence will be transmitted by the Sessions Judge or an officer of the High court Division (Supreme Court) as the case may be ...'
The words, 'as the case may be' are the important ones. These seem to make the whole paragraph mean the following:
- when the High court confirms a death sentence which was first passed by the trial court (sessions court), it is the trial court which is the court that issues the warrant of execution
- and when the trial court has not passed a death sentence, but it is the High Court that has done so, it is the High Court that will issue the warrant of execution.

Now how does this apply to the Molla case.

The Sessions Court is the trial court which is the International Crimes Tribunal - and in relation to Molla this court did not pass the death sentence

The High Court is the court of appeal which is the Appellate division of the Supreme court - and in relation to Molla it did pass the death sentence

So the defence lawyers argument is that this rule of the jail code suggests that it is the appellate division which should sign the warrant of arrest for Molla as it was this court that first imposed the death sentence.

They also argue that rule 979.I of the code also suggests that a tribunal can only issue a warrant of execution when the tribunal has itself passed a death sentence.
'In case of a death sentence passed by a special court or tribunal, the warrant of execution shall be sent by the special court court or tribunal after the sentence has been confirmed by the High Court Division (Supreme Court) and in the event of such court becoming functus officio, by the successor office as nominated by the Government in each case.'
This is more straightforward and just appears to confirm that it is the court which has first imposed the sentence of death that should send the warrant of execution.

Added to all this is the argument that neither the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973, nor the the rules of procedure issued by Tribunal 2, authorises the tribunal to issue a warrant of execution.

I should say that I have not had the chance to find out what the government argument is in response to this, and it may have a convincing riposte. But at first sight, this does appear to be quite convincing

It will be interesting to see how the appellate division deals with this - assuming that of course the government does not execute Molla in the meantime.

Molla's impending execution - when can it happen


This is the first of a sequence of posts about the impending hanging of war crimes tribunal convict, Abdul Quader Molla.

To read the background about this case see: 

17 Sep 2013 What happens now with Quader Molla case

There are strong, though very much unconfirmed, rumours that Molla may be executed sometime tonight (evening of the 8/9 December). It is difficult to know whether to take these claims seriously or not.

This first post looks at whether this could technically happen

Earlier today (8 December), the International Crimes Tribunal registrar signed a 'Warrant of Execution' following receipt of the certified copy of the judgement of the appellate division  which had ruled that in relation to one of the convictions, Molla should receive a death penalty rather than a sentence of imprisonment.

The warrant has been sent to, and received by, the Jail Superintendent of Dhaka Central Jail where Molla is currently detained.

The issue of the jail code
Now usually, in such situations, the jail code should apply.

Rule 991(I) of the Jail Code states that once the Jail Superintendent has received the warrant of execution he should 'immediately' inform the convicted person that 'if he desires to submit a petition for mercy [to the President] it must be submitted in writing within fifteen* days ...'. [Please note an earlier version of this post stated that this was 7 days. However, the jail code was amended in May 2010, and 15 days is now provided to a person on death row to seek a pardon from the president]

It has become 'practice' that mercy petitions should include an acceptance of one's guilt, but it does not appear to be formally set out anywhere in law.

If the convict does submit a mercy petition, once a reply has been obtained from the President and assuming it is negative, the jail superintendent should, according to rule 991(vi), fix the date of execution not less than 21 days and not more than 28 days after receipt of the rejection.

If the convict does not seek clemency, the jail code does not seem to set any time restrictions on when an execution could take place - however it is arguable that rule 991(vi) implies and that the time frame of 21 to 28 days applies even if the convict does not seek clemency.

There have been mixed messages on the part of the prosecutors and government officials as to whether in the government's view the jail code should apply. 

Some members of the government have argued that in relation to cases coming from the International Crimes Tribunal, the jail code is not applicable, pointing out that the ICT Act does not mention the Jail codes and simply states, ‘The sentence awarded under this act shall be carried out in accordance with the orders of the government,’ though others have suggested that it does apply. 

The defence argues that the jail code applies to every person detained in jail.

Defence lawyers suggest that it is unlikely that Molla will seek clemency, however even assuming that he does not, the application of the jail code would be important in that it would give him at least seven further days of life, and even possibly a further 21 to 28 days, before execution.

So an acceptance of the jail code would mean that Molla could not be executed until 15 December and possibly for a further 3 to 4 weeks.

The issue of the review application
The significance of the jail code would not be so great but for the fact that the government and the ICT prosecutors have taken a position that Molla has no right to seek a ''review of the appellate division.

Article 105 of the constitution states that, 'The Appellate Division shall have power, subject to the provisions of any Act of Parliament and of any rules made by that division to review any judgment pronounced or order made by it.' The appellate division rules allows a person 30 days to file their review.

As I have discussed elsewhere, the government does not accept that the defence has the right to seek a review. The defence however argue that it is for the appellate division itself to determine whether it has jurisdiction over this matter - see here

Monday, November 25, 2013

Are the tribunals justified in restricting defence witness numbers?


David Bergman

Perhaps the most significant set of decisions made by both courts of the International Crimes Tribunal impacting upon the question of the fairness of the trials of those alleged to have committed crimes during the 1971 war of Independence concerns the restrictions placed upon the number of defence witnesses allowed to give evidence in court.

In all the cases so far tried before the two tribunals, the judges have not restricted the prosecution in the number of witnesses it can bring to court, but at the same  time have limited the number allowed by the defence – in some cases very severely considering the number of offences charged.

This is particularly stark in the two most recently completed cases.

In the trial of Salauddin Quader Chowdhury, who last month was sentenced to death, the prosecution brought 41 witnesses to the tribunal to prove 23 offences, but the defence was restricted to only calling 5 witnesses.

And in the case of Abdul Alim, who in the same month received a sentence of life imprisonment, the prosecution was allowed 35 witnesses, but the defence was restricted to 3 witnesses to disprove 17 offences.

In three other cases the tribunal has allowed an equally small number of witnesses: 4 witnesses have been permitted in Motiur Rahman Nizami’s defence relating to 16 charges; 5 witnesses in the trial of Kamaruzzaman involving 7 offences; and 6 in the case of Abdul Quader Molla in defence of 6 offences.

Only in the cases of Delwar Hossain Sayedee (the first case brought to trial) and Golam Azam were the number of defence witnesses allowed to be in double figures – 20 and 12 respectively.

This restriction is significant as the most obvious characteristic of a fair trial is allowing an accused person to present his or her case  - and limiting witnesses inevitably precludes the ability of the accused to do just that.

So what reasons have the tribunals given for restriction, and are they justified, particularly since the International Crimes (tribunal) Act 1973 states that an accused person has ‘the right to present evidence at the trial in support of his defence ...’?

In the case of Sayedee, the tribunal gaveno clear reason for limiting to 20 the number of defence witnesses. However, the tribunal did state in its order that the defence request for 48 witnesses was 'given with the intention to delay the trial' and the court may have chosen the number 20 to equal the number of prosecution witnesses that had ‘made statements regarding occurrence.’

In some of the subsequent trials, particularly those that took place in Tribunal 2, the judges have given more detailed reasons.

Decisions given in Molla’s case
Abdul Quader Molla’s case was the second case to come to trial at the International Crimes Tribunal and the reasons given in that case for limiting the number of witnesses have set the precedent for most of the subsequent cases.

In the trial, the prosecution brought 12 witnesses to the tribunal in support of six charges against Molla.

After all these witnesses had deposed, the prosecution lawyers filed an application asking the tribunal to limit the number of defence witnesses ‘to 3 or 4’ which it was argued would be sufficient for the accused to prove his defence of ‘alibi’ (i.e, the claim that the accused was not present at the time the offence was committed.)

The prosecution in its application to the tribunal argued that the list of 965 witnesses that the defence had earlier given the tribunal was simply intended ‘to cause unreasonable delay so that the case can not be disposed of expeditiously.’

In response, Molla’s defence lawyers told the tribunal that although they had originally listed nearly 1000 witnesses, they wished now only to bring to court about 20.

In its order given on 5 November, the tribunal initially limited the defence to four witnesses, but - following further urging by the defence lawyers – the number was increased to five and then to six.

A week later this order was challenged by Molla’s lawyers, but without success.

The tribunal’s basic argument for the restriction, set out in its original order and in response to the review application, was that the accused only needed witnesses to present his defence of alibi, and that for this purpose six witnesses was sufficient.

“From the trend of cross-examination of prosecution witnesses no specific and substantive defence case could be perceived excepting the plea of alibi,” the first order stated.

The order went on to argue that the defence did not need to produce witnesses to question any other aspect of the prosecution case since the burden of proving the charges was wholly on the prosecution.

 “The claim that the accused was not involved with the commission of offences for which he has been charged is a negative assertion which is not required to be established by adducing evidence,’ the order stated. ‘Besides, the defence is to prove nothing. Adjudication of facts in issue does not depend upon the success or failure in proving defence. In a criminal trial, 'defence case' is simply of ‘innocence'”

The second order supported thisargument: ‘In a criminal trial, defence may examine witnesses in support of his defence and not to disprove prosecution case… [W]e are constrained to reiterate that the defence is to prove nothing and the burden squarely lies upon the prosecution to prove the charges beyond reasonable doubt.’

However, these arguments are problematic on a number of counts.

First, one has to ask whether it is the job of the tribunal to decide what is - or what will or should be - the nature of the defence’s legal strategy?

This is for the defence to decide, not the tribunal.

Do note that this decision was made before the accused has even started presenting his case, and without the tribunal having seen any information on the likely testimony of the proposed defence witnesses.

Secondly, even if the tribunal happened to be correct that Molla’s lawyers only wanted to bring Alibi witnesses (in fact at least one of the witnesses Molla called was not an alibi witness) how could the tribunal, before it had heard any defence witnesses, be in a position to state that six witnesses would be sufficient?

It was of course reasonable for the tribunal to say that 955 alibi witnesses was way over the top.

But if Molla needed 2 or 3 witnesses to ‘prove’ his alibi for each of the six different offences which took place on six different dates – each of which, one should remember, had the potential of a death sentence - it is difficult to see why the tribunal would not be willing to allow that.

Thirdly, and most significantly, the tribunal surely cannot be right to assert that the defence can only bring witnesses to prove an alibi defence – and not to prove in other ways that the prosecution case was wrong.

The tribunal’s logic seems to be that since it is for the prosecution to prove the charges, the accused lawyers have no role in disproving them by bringing witnesses.

This is rather extraordinary.

Yes, the burden is on the prosecution to prove its case ‘beyond reasonable doubt’, but this in no way means – and Bangladesh law has never stated otherwise - that the defence cannot bring witnesses to discredit different elements of the prosecution case, and show, for example, the unreliability of prosecution witnesses.

Doing so is a completely standard defence practice in just about any country around the world – including in Bangladesh.

The need for the prosecution to prove its case ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ cannot be turned into a rule that prevents the accused from disproving the case against him or her.

How to explain the tribunal’s reasoning
Since there is no prior jurisprudence in Bangladesh supporting such a contention, what then might be the basis for the tribunal’s argument?

In ordinary criminal cases in Bangladesh, defence counsel – though they have every legal right to do so - rarely produce witnesses in support of the accused.

This is for many reasons, but primarily the decision by the defence not to call witnesses, is because it is their view that the prosecution’s legal case against the accused is so weak that they can succeed in obtaining acquittals simply by discrediting prosecution witnesses in their cross examinations.

As a result, there is no reason for the accused to subsequently produce any witnesses in support of its case.

Arguably, the tribunal judges may in their minds have converted this practice in the country’s criminal courts into some kind of legal principle.

Under the International Crimes Tribunal Act 1973, the tribunal can set its own procedures – but legal arguments justifying something so essential as the limitation of witnesses do need to have some prior jurisprudential support.

And whilst the Act does state that the tribunal should ‘confine the trial to an expeditious hearing’ it also requires the tribunal to ‘ensure fair trial’ and specifically provides that the accused be given ‘the right to present evidence at the trial in support of his defence ...’.

The court’s decision preventing defence lawyers from calling witnesses who could discredit the prosecution case does raise very legitimate questions about how Molla – and indeed all the other accused - received a fair trial.

Clearly, it was unjustified for the defence lawyers to provide the tribunal with a lists of witnesses  with hundreds and sometimes thousands of names in Molla’s and other cases – and the tribunal quite rightly rejected the idea that anywhere near that number of witnesses could be brought to court by the defence.

But conversely it is questionable for the tribunal to have restricted the number of witnesses to six in Molla’s case and even fewer in others – particularly without having any information on the relevance of the witnesses on substantive issues before the court.

The appellate division has upheld Molla’s convictions, and so one assumes that the highest court in Bangladesh did not feel that the restriction on the number of defence witnesses precluded a fair trial. 

It will be interesting – when the full judgment of the appellate division in Molla’s case is published, (which could well be soon) - to see how the court justifies the restriction in defence witnesses.

And also to see what view the appellate division will take when it subsequently deals with other cases where the restrictions on the number of defence witnesses were even more stark – particularly when contrasted with both the number of offences for which the person was accused and the number of witnesses the prosecution were allowed to bring.

Thursday, November 14, 2013

The UK police's failure to investigate 1971 war crimes 20 years ago

Chowdhury Mueen Uddin with Prince Charles
The Jewish Chronicle and the Spectator have written two articles critical of how the British government, and others groups within the UK have allowed themselves to dialogue with 'Islamists who dominate Muslim institutions in the UK.'

These articles were written in light of the conviction in Bangladesh last week of British citizen, Chowdhury Mueen Uddin for crimes relating to his alleged masterminding the abduction of 18 'intellectuals' in the final days of the country's independence war in 1971. (Here is a copy of the judgment)

He was given the death penalty.

As written elsewhere, Mueen Uddin and his lawyers have strongly attacked the tribunal that prosecuted him - and, unfortunately, with some legitimacy.

Whilst the questions suggested by the Spectator and the Jewish Chronicle may be interesting to ask, there is is a far more significant concern that requires consideration, and maybe even investigation.

This relates to a point that Martin Bright makes in his JC article. In response to Mueen Uddin's assertions of innocence and also his stated willingness to be tried in another forum, Bright asked whether one should:
"... allow this country’s legal system to deal with the allegations against Mr Mueen-Uddin. Scotland Yard investigated the case in the 1990s after a Channel 4 documentary brought the allegations to light and the police should look again at whether there is enough evidence to bring him to trial in the UK."
This extract suggest that Mueen Uddin's conduct in 1971 was investigated by the British police 20 years ago in 1995 when they were first brought to its attention by the Channel 4 documentary.

However that was not the case.

A file of evidence was indeed sent to Scotland Yard - but the police never 'investigated' the allegations. It decided that it need not look any further as its lawyers advised it that 'primary jurisdiction' over such a case was with the Bangladesh government, and - that being so - the police sent the file to the Bangladesh High Commission.

It is this UK police decision which needs to be subject to a great deal of criticism.

This is because international lawyers will tell you that there is no concept in international law of 'primary jurisdiction'. Whilst it may be true that the normal preferred position is for a war criminal to be prosecuted where the crimes took place - and in that sense Bangladesh has primary jurisdiction - if Bangladesh is not going to prosecute and the United Kingdom is not going to extradite then the United Kingdom should take action itself

It is arguably the failure of the British police to take the allegations against him seriously in 1995 that is the reason why Mueen Uddin will most likely never have to face a court of law (having been tried in absentia in Bangladesh, and will not be extradited to face the death penalty.)

In 1995, although even then 24 years had passed since the alleged crimes, a significant amount of evidence was available. This not only comprised the evidence that was collected for the film itself, but other evidence collected subsequently - in part facilitated by the libel case which Mueen Uddin initiated against Channel Four.

A large amount of evidence was collected in the form affidavits or signed statements. As part of its preperations in defending the libel action, Channel Four lawyers also filmed interviews with the witnesses reading out their statements. This was all available then.

In the 20 years since, however, many crucial witnesses have now died. Also some evidence has been lost.

The point is whilst evidence does continue to exist concerning Mueen Uddins's involvement in 1971 crimes (and the police should certainly be looking at what is currently available) the evidence in 1995 was that much stronger than it is now, and the question is: why was it not properly scrutinised and assessed at that time, and if necessary further investigations carried out?

As mentioned above the view of Scotland Yard that it lacked 'primary jurisdiction' was very questionable. It is a great pity it was not legally challenged properly at the time.

The British police could certainly have investigated  these offenses, and if there was sufficeint evidence prosecute in the UK courts, particularly as it should have been very clear that there was no appetite for prosecuting these offences in Bangladesh at that time.

The failure of the police to investigate Mueen Uddin in 1996 is arguably a matter of some negligence on its part - and may well have allowed a person, against whom serious allegations lie - to escape justice.

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Mueen Uddin's strategy of deflection

In August 2011, I wrote in New Age:
'The government needs to recognise that many of the criticisms that people make of the tribunal is not ‘propaganda’—and in many cases it comes from people who are very keen for the tribunal to succeed. Yet, unless significant changes are made to the law and the tribunal’s operation, it is quite predictable—though unfortunate—that the criticisms will get even more shrill.'
And a few months later in October 2011, I again wrote in the same paper:
'With the tribunal now assessing evidence and considering defence applications about the nature of the offences, it must be at the top of its game. At the moment, however, there is a serious risk of the tribunal providing additional reasons for the defence to argue that they are being subject to an unfair trial.'
It was not just me of course, there were others within Bangladesh and outside (Human Rights Watch and the US Steven Rapp, Ambassador-at-Large, heading the Office of Global Criminal Justice in the U.S. Department of States) making the same point - that failure to make changes in the operation of the tribunal, would make the trials easy targets for those who wished to discredit the process.

It was in fact entirely predictable to anyone who cared to look independently at the process, even before the trials themselves had formally started, that the International Crimes tribunal appeared to be going down a wrong track, and could well provide legitimate reasons for the accused and the Jamaat-e-Islami to question the credibility of the trials. 

Of course one was not to know how far-reaching the concerns about the trials would become.

The supporters of the tribunal and in particular those in the government who had the opportunity to put the tribunal back on track - by ensuring tribunal independence, making changes to the law and procedures, and employing a much more professional set of investigators and prosecutors, including  international experts (something I had called for early on) - are now reaping the effects of failing to have done this.

This is no more evident than in the response of Chowdhury Mueen Uddin to his conviction and death sentence for crimes during the 1971 war. 

His trial was an in absentia trial (without the government having even sought his extradition from the UK) so it was of course an easy target for Mueen Uddin to criticize. However, the statement issued by Chowdhury Mueen Uddin following his conviction and death sentence is an attack on the whole trial process:
'The defence team believes the tribunal has been characterised by widespread judicial and prosecutorial misconduct. They continue to cite clear evidence of witness tampering, witness perjury, governmental interference and collusion. .....
Commenting Toby Cadman, the defendant’s Legal Counsel, said:
‘The trial process has been shown to be nothing short of a political show trial.

‘What is clear from a number of damning disclosures by the international community and the media is the overwhelming evidence that reveals serious judicial and prosecutorial misconduct and the collusion of the Government with members of the judiciary and prosecution.

‘I am not at all surprised by the verdict that has been passed today by an institution that has lost all credibility. We reject each and every charge leveled against Mr. Mueen-Uddin. This is coming from a body that has been accused of gross irregularity and misconduct by human rights groups, notable figures and institutions around the world.

‘The system in Bangladesh is so far below even the minimum standards of fairness that it does not deserve to be called a judicial process. It is not an international tribunal. There is nothing remotely international about its practice. There are also serious questions raised as to whether it constitutes a national judicial institution, as it sits outside of the law – seemingly in a black hole. It has become a travesty of justice that is writing a very dark chapter in Bangladesh’s short history.’ 
‘Mr. Mueen-Uddin has consistently maintained that he is prepared to stand trial and establish his innocence before a court of law that is fully independent and impartial. There is a wealth of authority to suggest that the trial conducted before the Tribunal constitutes a flagrant denial of justice. 
Of course, Mueen Uddin does amongst all of this criticism of the tribunal, plead his innocence, but the vast majority of the statement is an attack on the tribunal process. And whilst calling the trial process a "political show trial" and saying that the tribunal "sits outside the law - seemingly in a black hole" are hyperbole, at the same time many of the criticisms are unfortunately justified.

As someone who knows an awful lot about the evidence against Chowdhury Mueen Uddin, and does believes that the evidence of his involvement in these abductions is substantial and compelling, I am extremely troubled by how he is so easily able to deflect the questions away from the evidence against him and onto the criticisms about the tribunal. 

And responsibility for this sits just about entirely with the present government of Bangladesh, who - extraordinarily argued - and indeed still now continue to argue - that the tribunals meet international and national standards, and in fact even surpassed them, and failed to make the changes necessary.

And responsibility for providing propoganda opportunities to the Jamaat-e-Islami and the accused  also rests in part upon the shoulders of the "tribunal supporters" who ignored the concerns, turned a blind eye to what was going on at the trials and even, in some cases, verbally attacked those who made the criticisms.