Showing posts with label death penalty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label death penalty. Show all posts

Thursday, July 30, 2015

Where was Salauddin Quader Chowdhury in 1971?

On Wednesday, the appellate division upheld the sentence of death on Salauddin Quader Chowdhury (SQC), a leader of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party,  in relation to four offenses, and the convictions and sentences of imprisonment in four other cases.

The only amendment made to the Tribunal judgement by the appellate division was an acquittal in one case.


The four offenses for which he was sentenced to death took place on two specific days - the 13th and the 19th April 1971.

The defense argued that SQC was not present in Chittagong on these two particular dates (or indeed throughout the 9 month war). Since the death penalty involves offenses committed on the 13th and 19th April, these are key dates to focus on.

Three defense witnesses in court gave evidence which supported SQC's case that he flew out of Dhaka for Karachi on 29 March 1971, remaining in the city for at least three weeks. If true, it is difficult to see how SQC could have been back in Chittagong after only two weeks.

SQC's defense team wanted to call other witnesses to give evidence in support of the claim that he was in West Pakistan during the war, and in particular during April.

The Tribunal however only allowed the defense to call a total of 5 witnesses to testify for the defense - having allowed the prosecution to call a total of 41 witnesses.

SQC's lawyers obtained affidavit statements from other witnesses - six of which supported his defense concerning his presence in West Pakistan during the war.

Though these statements were lodged with the Tribunal, in its judgment the Tribunal did not refer to any of these statements, only stating that they were not submitted correctly.

The appellate division has not yet published its judgment, so it is not possible to know how the court dealt with this decision on the part of the International Crimes Tribunal to ignore the substance of these highly relevant affidavit statements.

Below is the article published in New Age on 28 October 2013, following his conviction by the Tribunal earlier that month (and before he lodged his appeal before the appellate division) which considers the decision of the Tribunal not to consider these affidavits in its judgment  and raises questions about the appropriateness of Chowdhury's conviction for the offenses on 13th and 19th April - yet alone receiving a death sentence for them.

The article below contains links to both the defense evidence in court and the affidavits lodged with, but whose substance was not considered by the ICT.


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Tribunal not consider submitted affidavits supporting SQC’s alibi 
David Bergman

The tribunal that passed the death sentence on opposition leader Salauddin Quader Chowdhury for offences committed during the independence war of Bangladesh did not consider in its judgment the contents of six affidavits which supported his claim that he was not in Chittagong at the time the offences were committed.

The affidavits supported the accused’s alibi defence that on 29 March 1971 he flew out of Dhaka to Karachi where he stayed for three weeks, then travelling on to Lahore where he studied, until August of that year, for a degree at Punjab University.

Chowdhury’s lawyers had submitted the evidence in the form of written statements as the tribunal had earlier restricted to five the number of witnesses which the defence could bring. In the end, due to time restrictions imposed by the tribunal, Chowdhury could only bring four witnesses. 
The affidavits were from people whose names were contained on a long list of 1153 people which the defence had initially provided to the tribunal as possible witnesses.

The prosecution had no limits placed on the number of people it could bring to testify in court – with 41 people giving evidence.

In its final judgment, the tribunal stated ‘some documents’ had been submitted at ‘the fag end of [the] defence argument’ but said that this was done so ‘in violation of the provision’ of the law, and that the lawyers had ‘intentionally refrained from proving those documents by recalling defence witnesses.’

It then went onto state that the ‘defence has miserably failed to prove its plea by documentary evidence that the accused stayed in West Pakistan during [the] whole period of the Liberation War of Bangladesh.’

The judgment however did not mention that the court had earlier allowed the defence lawyer ‘to submit’ the affidavits as evidence to the tribunal.

‘It is an admitted fact that there is no provision to file additional documents on behalf of the defence during trial,’ the court’s 21 July 2013 order stated, referring to these six affidavits and 49 other documents submitted by the defense.

‘Despite of this fact, for the end of justice we are inclined to give permission to the defence to submit additional documents’ and should ‘be kept with the documents filed earlier by the defence.’ The tribunal did not suggest in its order that it considered these documents had no probative value.

No appeal has yet been lodged by the defence or prosecution lawyers. 30 October is the filing deadline.

On 1 October 2013, Chowdhury was convicted for 9 offences concerned with crimes committed during the 1971 war of Independence.

Six of these nine offences – including all four of the offences which Chowdhury was sentenced to death – took place on just two days, the 13th and 17th April 1971 – within one month of the beginning of the independence war.

The thee other offences took place on 14 April, 5 July, and in the third week of July 1971.

Apart from the Salauddin Quader Chowdhury himself, the defence lawyers presented three witnesses at the trial who supported the accused’s alibi defence.

Qayum Reza Chowdhury, told the court that he dropped the accused, his cousin, at Tejgaon airport on 29 March 1971 to take a flight to Karachi, and that, just over a week later on 8 April, went himself to the city, along with two friends Salman Rahman and Nizamuddin.

Nizamuddin, a friend, confirmed that he had travelled with Qayum and Salman Rahman on 8 or 9 April 1971 to Karachi, and that after a few days, he had met the accused at Salman Rahman’s house.

Abdul Momen Chowdhury, who at that time was a diplomat based in Pakistan, said that in the second or third week of April 1971 he went to Karachi and met the accused for the first time at the office of an old school friend Asiqur Rahman.

In its judgment, the tribunal dismissed this evidence citing 14 eye-witnesses who had confirmed that the accused was present at the scene of the alleged offences.

The judgment also referred to evidence that showed Chowdhury was present in Chittagong in September 1971 - including a newspaper article and a special branch report which mentioned that the accused was injured in an attack on his car during that month, and the testimony of doctor who said that he had treated him on that occasion.

However, in coming to this conclusion, the tribunal did not consider the documentary evidence which the tribunal had previously accepted from the defence.

This included an affidavit from Muhammad Osman Siddique, a former United States ambassador, who had known Chowdhury since college days, which stated that he was on the same flight as the accused when he flew to Karachi.

In another statement, Karachi-based Muneeb Arjmand Khan, a friend of the accused since school days, stated that he ‘received’ Chowdhury from the airport and took him to ‘Mr Yusuf Haroon’s residence, known as Seafield.’ 
He also says that he was also amongst those who took Chowdhury to Karachi airport when he moved to Lahore ‘after about 3 weeks’ to go to Punjab university.

Amber Haroon Siddiqui also provided an affidavit which stated that on arrival in Karachi, Chowdhury lived at her family house, (known as ‘Seafield’) for ‘about three weeks.’

‘We used to have discussions at the dinner table where [Salauddin Quader Chowdhury] would join me, my sisters and my parents,’ it stated.

A further detailed statement was given by Ishaq Khan Khakwani, a former member of the National Assembly of Pakistan.

‘[Salauddin Quader Chowhdury] arrived at Karachi a few days after … 26th March 1971,’ the affidavit stated.

‘Salauddin was picked up from the airport by our mutual friend Muneeb Khan and I spoke to both of them once they reached Mr Yusuf Haroon’s [father or Amber] residence called Seafield House.’

It goes onto state that when Chowdhury came to Lahore, ‘with great difficulty we got him admitted in the Punjab university’ and that the accused stayed within him ‘in our family house … where he stayed with me throughout till we left for London in October 1971.’

He mentioned the names of five people who would congregate with the accused ‘almost daily’ in that period, and stated that ‘Shamin Hasnain, who is now a justice of the High Court in Bangladesh’ would sometimes join them.

Ishaq also mentioned a trip taken on May 20 1971 when he and Chowhdury drove from Lahore to Malton to attend ‘the engagement ceremony of Dr Nasir Khakwani,’ a classmate of the accused from schooldays.

The statement also states how after their exams in August 1971, he and Chowdhury went along with five other named people – including that of Salman F Rahman – to the hill stations in Muree.

Amongst the documents given to the tribunal along with the affidavits was a letter written by the sitting High Court judge Shamim Hosnain to the country’s current chief justice which stated ‘[the accused] was a classmate of mine at Punjab University at Lahore. It is true that Salauddin Quader Chowdhury was at the Punjab University Campus between the first week of May 1971 till August of the same year.’

A letter signed by Dr Umbreen Javaid, the Chairperson of the Department of Political Science at the University of Punjab, dated 24 January 1971, certified that Salauddin Quader Chowdhury was a student of political science ‘who secured 233/500 for the academic session of 1970-71’ having appeared in the ‘final examination in August 1971.

Two other affidavits - that of Mohamedmian Soomro, and Riaz Ahmed Noon - also supported different elements of the alibi defense. 
Zead-Al Malum, the prosecutor in Chowdhury’s case told New Age that, it was not relevant that the tribunal had earlier allowed the defence to submit the documents; what was at issue was whether the documents had ‘probative value’ or not.

‘Documents only claim probative value if they have been exhibited by the witnesses of the respected parties,’ and these documents were not, he stated.

He added that, ‘At time of pronouncement of judgment the tribunal legally passed its opinion that the documents additionally submitted by the defence was in violation of the law,’ in that they had not been included in a list of documents submitted at the beginning of the trial.

Saturday, April 11, 2015

Why do people support the tribunal despite criticisms?

Why is it that so few liberals, progressives and human rights activists in Bangladesh are willing to accept the criticisms articulated by many independent and well respected observers about the International Crimes Tribunal? Why have neither of the country's two main independent human rights organisations, Ain-o-Salish Kendra or Odhikar, given any statement remarking on concerns about the tribunal?. With so many people clapping for joy at the  execution of Md Kamaruzzman - and just hours before the publication of what are very likely to be jubilant headlines in tomorrow's newspapers here in Bangladesh - I am pasting part of a short feature I wrote late last year for Al Jazeera looking at this issue.

(To see statements from human rights organizations and international bodies calling to a halt to the execution, see here)
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Bangladesh war trials: Justice or politics?Many contend the war crime trials hold leaders accountable for crimes during the 1971 war, others argue it is revenge.
….. Jamaat-e-Islami, now a key member of the opposition alliance against the Awami League government, has argued that the trials represent a political vendetta against the party.

However, polls conducted in 2013 showed that the legal process is supported by an overwhelming majority of the country with 86 percent of those polled stating they wanted trials to proceed. 
'Meting out justice' 
Some contend that the trials should be viewed as holding leaders answerable for crimes for which they had previously escaped accountability and not an act of retribution.
In a recent article, Mahfuz Anam, the editor of the country's leading English language newspaper The Daily Star, stated, "It is not revenge. It is not retribution. It is not settling of accounts. And politics, it is definitely not. It is meting out justice."
"It is holding political leaders accountable for their action especially if they commit crimes against humanity. It is fulfilling an inner urge for justice and fair play. In the final analysis it is establishing the supremacy of law and humanitarian values that we have learnt to hold dear in our hearts."
The perspective, however, sits in stark contrast with the views of international human rights organisations which have been uniformly critical of the process, though still supporting the need to hold trials.
The International Commission of Jurists has stated that the tribunal does "not adhere to international standards of a fair trial and due process" and that there are "serious procedure flaws at all stages".
And Human Rights Watch has also said that that the conviction of Golam Azam, the head of the Jamaat in 1971, was based on "flawed proceedings".
The International Centre for Transitional Justice also called for the current judicial proceedings to be "suspended" earlier this year pointing to issues of "fundamental unfairness".

Lack of criticism 
Although Anam's article refers to unwarranted "incidents" at the tribunal and the possibility of "some procedural flaws", the issues raised by the international human rights lobby continued to be ignored.
He is not alone in this lack of interest in fair trial criticisms.
Neither of the country's two main independent human rights organisations, Ain-o-Salish Kendra or Odhikar, have given any statement remarking on any concerns.
And the autonomous National Human Rights Commission, far from voicing any dissent, has been highly supportive of the trial process.
So, while some commentators have suggested that the trial process is dividing the country, the most notable chasm stands between supporters of the tribunal, which include the country's human rights community and other members of wider civil society, and international human rights organisations.
Criticisms of the trials have been largely ignored in Bangladesh, with many believing that the trials are fair, preferring to accept the tribunal's view that the law and process have ensured that the "fundamental and key elements of [a] fair trial" exist.
Iftekaruzzaman, the Executive Director of Transparency International points out that it is in the nature of these kinds of highly charged trials dealing with international crimes that there is disagreement about issues of due process - and so the opinions of international organisations should be put in that context.
"There is certainly questions about whether or not the international human rights organisations are being sufficiently objective or not," Iftekaruzzaman told Al Jazeera.
"For example in relation to the death penalty, people ask why is it that the only time these organisations make statements against the death penalty involves those convicted of crimes against humanity, and not on any other cases."
There are also those who argue that the international organisations are judging these particular trials from too high a standard.
"When the criminal justice process in Bangladesh is riddled with corruption, torture and politicisation, and there is a general lack of due process, people wonder why there should there be any reason for concern about these particular trials," Dr Shahnaz Huda, chairman of the law department at Dhaka University told Al Jazeera.
Syeed Ahmed, a blogger on the war crimes trials, agrees. "People don't think that the alleged war criminals are being treated any worse than common criminals. So, unless the whole legal system is upgraded, people are unwilling to give special treatment for the alleged war criminals."

Manufactured outcry 
There is also the view that the the fair trial criticisms are really just a cover for those who are really only interested in helping the accused escape punishment.
The sentiment has merged with scepticism about the integrity of the foreign human rights organisations themselves.
"Loud voices of human rights agencies regarding fairness of the war crimes trials has failed to create traction here because they have not made the same kind of arguments in relation to other trials in Bangladesh." Ahmed told Al Jazeera.
For some, the issue of fair trials is simply not significant, since in the view of many, these men are known to be guilty of crimes in 1971, and who have managed till now to use their political influence to escape justice, and the sooner they are punished the better.
"People in Bangladesh 'know' that these men are guilty, so they do not see any reason to go through this process to try to find out whether the men are guilty of not," Huda told Al Jazeera.
"Their guilt is so accepted by everyone, that there is no need for due process."
This view might help explain why the same polls that suggested four-fifths of the country supported the tribunals, also showed a majority of people, 63 percent, thought that the trials were "unfair" or "very unfair".
Ahmed also thinks that this apparently conflicting positions about the war crimes trials reflect people's recognition that there are no better options.
"The fact that the Awami League is the only party willing and able to conduct this war crimes trial [means that people are] settling for whatever this government is offering. Four decades of rehabilitation and amnesty of war criminals have made people impatient, rejecting questionable concerns about fair trials," he added.
While fair trial advocates argue that due process concerns should trump all these arguments, there are not many in Bangladesh who are willing to accept that their assessments should have any influence on the process itself.

Statements seeking stay on Kamaruzzaman execution

With Jamaat leader Kamaruzzman about to face the death penalty probably tonight, human rights organizations and other international bodies outside Bangladesh have called on the government to stay the execution - though no similar organizations inside the country have as far as I known done so.*

(See also: Why do people support the tribunal despite criticisms?)

Here are the main statements that have been published:


"The UN human rights experts have on several occasions expressed alarm regarding serious violations of fair trial and due process guarantees in the judicial proceedings before the Tribunal that were reported to them"

United Nations, High Commissioner for Human Rights: Halt execution

"The trial was reportedly rife with irregularities and did not meet international fair trial standards."

Human Rights Watch: Suspend death sentence of sentence of war crimes accused

"At his trial, the court arbitrarily limited the ability of the defense to submit evidence, including witnesses and documents. The court denied the defense the opportunity to challenge the credibility of prosecution witnesses by rejecting witnesses’ earlier statements that were inconsistent with their trial testimony."


"The European Union reiterates its opposition to the use of capital punishment in all cases and under all circumstances. The EU has consistently called for its universal abolition. Capital punishment is not a deterrent against crime and makes miscarriages of justice irreversible. The European Union calls on Bangladeshi authorities to commute all death sentences and to introduce a moratorium on executions as a first step towards definitive abolition of capital punishment.

Amnesty International: President must stop imminent execution

"Bangladeshi civil society, Amnesty International and other international bodies have welcomed the government’s move to end the longstanding impunity in Bangladesh for serious human rights violations in 1971. However, most observers including Amnesty International have expressed concern over how the proceedings before the ICT violated international fair trial standards There were also irregularities in the proceedings, for instance, the court did not allow the defense to challenge the credibility of prosecution witnesses.".

UK Bar Human Rights Committee: Stay Execution pending independent review

"BHRC has raised serious concerns repeatedly about the fairness of trials before the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in Bangladesh, and in particular in respect of the trial of Muhammad Kamaruzzaman in a statement of 11 November 2014. There is evidence that the trial of Kamaruzzaman was flawed on a number of counts, including arbitrary limitation of witness evidence, limited ability to cross examine key witnesses and concerns relating to the impartiality of judges which resulted in an application to recuse two judges of bias being summarily dismissed. ….

"While the BHRC is opposed to the death penalty in all circumstances, it urges the Bangladeshi authorities now to take immediate steps to prevent an execution that arises out of a flawed trial. An independent review of this case and all other cases currently before the ICT must be conducted if victims are to gain genuine accountability for the atrocities committed in 1971."

Commonwealth Lawyers Association: Concerned over sentencing of Md Kamaruzzaman

"The CLA supports steps taken to seek justice and address impunity. Further, it supports the principle of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), and its stated aim of prosecuting those who are alleged to be responsible for atrocities committed during the 1971 War of Independence, however, the ICT in its present form does neither of these two things. The likely execution of Kamaruzzaman will be the second instance of state sponsored murder concerning proceedings before the ICT, the first being the execution of Abdul Quader Molla.

The ICT has not adhered to its obligations under domestic Bangladesh law, nor has it met its obligations under those international treaties and agreements to which Bangladesh is a state party, in its failure to ensure all those who appear before it are afforded a fair trial."

At all stages of the process, from court of first instance to appellate courts, the ICT has either failed to acknowledge the serious shortcomings of the procedures adopted, or, if it has recognised such shortcomings, it has failed to address them.

United States government: Best not to proceed

"We have seen progress, but still believe that further improvements to the ICT process could ensure these proceedings meet domestic and international obligations. Until these obligations can be consistently met, it is best not to proceed with executions given the irreversibility of a sentence of death."

* the initial version of this post stated that the lack of a US government statement was notable. However, late in the day, just a few hours before Kamaruzzman was executed, a statement was published and is included above

Monday, November 3, 2014

Kamaruzzaman - the Sohagpur mass killing

This is an extract from the International Crimes Tribunal judgment dealing with charge no 3 for which it had imposed a death penalty, a sentence that was upheld today by the appellate division.



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Adjudication of Charge No. 3 [Sohagpur mass killing]
291. Summary Charge: During the period of War of Liberation, on 25.7.1971 in the early morning, accused Muhammad Kamaruzzaman being chief organiser of Al-Badar Bahini as well as leader of Islami Chatra Sangha or member of group of individuals advised your accomplices belonging to Al- Badar and Razaker Bahini who accompanied the Pak army in contemplating and taking steps towards commission of large scale massacre, to raid the village Sohagpur and accordingly they launched planned attack and murdered about 120 unarmed civilians including the 44 victims as named in the paragraph 8.7 of the Formal Charge and committed rape upon women of the said village and thereby Muhammad Kamaruzzaman has been charged for participating, substantially facilitating and contributing to the commission of offences of ‘murder as crime against humanity’ or in the alternative for ‘complicity to commit such crime’ as specified in section 3(2)(a)(h) of the Act,1973 which are punishable under section 20(2) read with section 3(1) of the Act.

Witnesses

292. Prosecution adduced and examined as many as 05 witnesses in order to substantiate this charge. Of them P.W.11, P.W.12 and P.W.13 are the victims of sex violence who have been examined in camera as prayed by the prosecution. P.W.2 Monwar Hossain @Mohan Munshi was a member of Al- Badar and at the relevant time he had been working as a guard of Al-Badar camp set up at Suren Saha’s house, Sherpur and he had opportunity to see and know the activities of accused Muhammad Kamaruzzaman who was the leader of the camp, as claimed. P.W.10 Md. Jalal Uddin [one of victims of the massacre] is the son of martyr Safir Uddin of crime village Sohagpur. He narrated the horrendous event of massacre.

Kamruzzaman death sentence upheld, what happens next

Md Kamaruzzaman, death penalty upheld
With the appellate division today upholding, by a majority decision, the death sentence on the Jamaat leader, Kamaruzzaman for charge no 3 (the death penalty for charge 4 was commuted to life imprisonment) what happens now?

First of all, court precedent suggests that nothing will happen on the basis of this 'short order'. The carrying out of the death sentence will have to wait until until the full written judgement is given, and this can be quite some time. In the case of Molla, the short order was given in September 2013, and the written judgement in late November, a few months later.

Secondly, the defence will seek a review of the decision (Tajul Mohammed, the defence lawyer has already said that). Since there has been no written decision on the application by the defence lawyers in relation to its application seeking a review of the Abdul Quader Molla appellate division decision, it remains unclear whether the court accepts the right of the defence lawyers to seek such a review.

However, even if the court does accept a review application, this may add an extra few days to the process, but is very very unlikely to stall it (see below)

Thirdly, since the position of the government (and it appears the court) is that the jail code does not apply to those convicted by the ICT, once the full written judgement is given, the process towards the carrying out of a death sentence, if that is what the government wants to happen, can be quite swift.

On the issue of the review of an appellate division decision, I am setting out below what I have earlier written in the context of Sayedee
Article 105 of the constitution sets out the power of the appellate division to review its judgment. This Article states:
The Appellate Division shall have power, subject to the provisions of any Act of Parliament and of any rules made by that division to review any judgment pronounced or order made by it. 
Order 26 of the Appellate Division rules sets out the procedure for this.
1. Subject to the law and the practice of the Court, the Court may, either of its own motion or on the application of a party to a proceeding, review its judgment or order in a Civil proceeding on grounds similar to those mentioned in Order XL VII, rule 1 of the 'Code of Civil Procedure and in a Criminal proceeding on the ground of an error apparent on the face of the record. (emphasis added)
2. Applications for review shall be filed in the Registry within thirty days after pronouncement of the judgment, or, as the case may be, the making of the order, which is sought to be reviewed.The applicant shall, after filing the application {or review, forthwith give notice thereof to the other party and endorse a copy of such notice to the Registry.
3. Every application for review shall be accompanied by a certified copy of the judgment or order complained of and when the application proceeds on the ground of a discovery of fresh evidence certified copies of the documents, if any relied upon, shall be annexed to the application, together with an affidavit setting forth the circumstances under which such discovery has been made.
4. No such application shall be entertained unless it is signed by a Senior Advocate who, in this behalf: shall not be governed by the restrictions contained in clause 2 of the First Schedule to these rules.
5. The Senior Advocate signing the application shall specify in brief the points upon which the prayer for review is based, and shall add a certificate to the effect, that consistently with the law and practice of the Court, a review would be justifiable in the case. The certificate shall be in the form of a reasoned opinion.
6. Except with the special leave of the Court, no application for review shall be drawn by any Advocate other than the Advocate who appeared at the hearing of the case in which the judgment or order, sought to be reviewed, was made. Such Advocate shall, unless his presence has been dispensed with by the Court, be present at the hearing of the application for review.
7. As far as practicable the application for review shall be posted before the aame Bench that delivered the judgment or order sought to be reviewed. (emphasis added)
8.. After the final disposal of the first application for review no subsequent application for review shall lie to the Court and consequently shall not be entertained by the Registry.
9. No application for review shall be entertained unless party seeking review furnishes a cash security of [Tk.lO,OOO], which shall be liable to be forfeited [if the review petition] is dismissed. (emphasis added) 
The following should be noted about the 'review':
- there are very limited grounds that can allow a review of an appellate division decision to be successful: there has to be an 'error apparent on the face of the record' which in case law is drawn very narrowly. 
- it is not an appeal. It is heard by the same bench of judges that made the order which is in question. So the applicant is asking the same set of judges to accept that they made a serious error! As one cam imagine, successful appellate division reviews are therefore very uncommon. 
- The International Crimes Tribunal gave itself the power to review its decisions and although it has dealt with dozens and dozens of applications for review, I am not aware of a single decision that was fully overturned. 
In the Molla case, the defence argued that the accused had a right to review under article 105, but the attorney general argued that it did not - claiming that the limits of the an accused's right to appeal are set out in the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973, due to Article 47(3) of the constitution which precludes a person accused of international crimes from seeking any constitutional remedy. In the Molla case, the appellate division did not clarify whether there was a right to review or not - dismissing the review application without passing a reasoned order.

Saturday, September 20, 2014

Sayedee - the blame game

Attorney General
There is much to say about the decision of the appellate division to commute two death sentences against Delwar Hossain Sayedee to terms of imprisonment – and over the coming days, this blog will attempt to say them

I was however struck by the front page article in yesterday’s Dhaka Tribune, titled ‘Blame game after Sayedee Verdict’ focused on the claimed inadequacies of the investigators and prosecutors.

Attorney General, Mahbubey Alam is quoted in the article as saying on a talk show, ‘If you knew what sort of prosecutors were appointed it would give you the creeps.’ Alam also referred to one lawyer who was appointed as a prosecutor even though he or she did not have any experience in dealing with criminal cases.

Claims about the inadequacies of investigators and prosecutors are of course not new (and it is certainly intriguing that Alam, as Attorney General, has apparently done nothing to rectify the situation), but it is very odd that he would seek to make such comments in the context of the appellate division upholding five charges against Sayedee.