Showing posts with label Contempt of Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Contempt of Court. Show all posts

Thursday, June 11, 2015

Initial thoughts on the valiant 49 signatories

Shireen Huq, Rehnuma Ahmed, Zafrullah Chowdhury,
Farida Akhter, and Anusheh Anadil outside the ICT
The Tribunal has now given its judgement on the 23 people who signed a statement critical of a previous judgment of the tribunal which had held that writings on this blog were in contempt of court, but refused to seek an unconditional apology. 22 were cautioned but exonerated. Zafrullah Chowdhury was convicted and sentenced to 1 hour in the custody of the court, with a fine of Tk 5,000

To read about the previous judgement 
against this blog, click here

To read about proceedings involving the signatories to the statement, click here


In due course I will be writing quite a bit about this recent judgment. It raises a lot of interesting issues, (particularly when read along with the original judgement upon which the statement was commenting on), about how contempt law involving an alleged 'scandalization of the court' is interpreted by the Bangladesh courts and particularly the International Crimes Tribunal.

Whilst more and more jurisdictions either no longer have that kind of contempt law (for example, there is no such thing as contempt by scandalization in English law), the Bangladesh courts have an increasingly hardline and broad interpretation.

Here, I just want to make the point about how - unlike in Bangladesh -  journalists in India are able to criticize court judgements without apparent fear of recourse to contempt applications by the courts, or by over enthusiastic lawyers.

A fine example of this is in a recent article on the political website the wire.in - concerning the alleged errors contained in a decision by the Karanataka High Court which acquitted the former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa in a corruption case.

The article refers to 'glaring errors', 'jurists spitting fire' because of the poor quality of the judgement, the 'judiciary giving legal sanction to corruption', the High Court setting  'a bad precedent, one that encourages bribery', and a judgement that 'will bring down the image of the Indian judiciary in the world'

It is simply unimaginable that such an article could be published in Bangladesh - whether it be about a judgement of the ICT, or one of the High court - without ICT prosecutors or other lawyers (who see themselves as protecters of the dignity of the judiciary) immediately pressing for contempt charges being brought, with thunder and fury  It is also difficult to see how a Bangladesh court would not proceed against the writer and publisher of such an article unless they immediately made an unconditional apology. In fact, it is doubtful that even an unconditional apology could exonerate person writing or publishing such an article

The title of the article itself would in all likelihood be sufficient for a contempt case in Bangladesh: 'More than bad maths: Four big errors that let jayalalithaa off the hook."

The article then goes onto state:
[M]ore serious errors of duplication have been found in Judge CR Kumaraswamy’s verdict. It now appears that the High Court has, erroneously, added loan amounts twice to the income of the defendants. This means that the amount calculated by the judge as ‘explained income’ — the basis on which the court has exonerated Jayalalithaa and others — is a highly inflated figure. ... 
In fact, the High Court appears to have made some more glaring errors.

Jurists are spitting fire at the law used by Judge Kumaraswamy on Page 914 of his order acquitting Jayalalithaa. ...

“Is the judiciary giving legal sanction to corruption?” asked a retired High Court judge who did not wish to be named …

Legal eagles say that this ruling by the High Court judge could set a bad precedent, one that encourages bribery ...

The legal fraternity points out other errors in the judgement. ... 
“This judgment will bring down the image of the Indian judiciary in the world …" he said.
[T]he legal fraternity is certainly chafing at what has taken place
The question of course is this:  if such comments do not bring the Indian judiciary into disrepute do not dishonor the Indian High court or justice system, do not demean 'the majesty' of the Indian courts, do not 'debase' the authority of the Indian High court, do not 'belittle the authority and institutional dignity' of the Indian justice system, do not 'severely shake the confidence of general people' in the authority of the Indian courts, do not create a 'hostile impression in the mind of public on the authority and competence of the court', and are therefore not subject to contempt proceedings in India - why then are far, far, far less serious criticisms of judgements given by Bangladesh courts deemed to do so, and be in contempt? 

Thursday, April 2, 2015

Contempt proceedings against 23 Bangladeshi citizens

Yesterday, on 1 April - and no, it was no April's fool - the International Crimes Tribunal passed an order initiating contempt proceedings against 23 Bangladeshi citizens perhaps breaking a record in the number of defendants ever accused in a single case of contempt of court, involving the allegation of 'scandalization of the court'.

This order is a culmination of proceedings which was initiated after 49 citizens signed a statement critical of a judgment of the tribunal which had held that writings on this blog was in contempt of court. 
The '23' who now have proceedings against them are those who were unwilling to provide an 'unconditional apology' for the statement that they had made.

As this and previous orders have set out, the court required that any such apology must seek the 'mercy of the court' and show 'true remorse and repentance for their comments'. The court found that the statements of 'regret 'of the 23 - which included pointing to their constitutional rights of freedom of expression - was not an adequate apology.

It should also be noted that, as part of the same proceedings, the New York Times was asked to provide an explanation to the Tribunal for an editorial that it wrote on the same judgement which the tribunal claimed was 'derogatory and unwarranted.' The paper has not responded to the court and the Tribunal has stated that it will pass an order on this matter on 23 April 2015.

Here are the main previous orders
28 Dec 2014: To 'Protect its jurisdiction and authority' 
14 Jan 2015:  'Explain yourselves' 
11 Feb 2015: The New York Times's 'unwarranted and derogatory comment' 
23 Feb 2015: Throw yourself 'at the mercy of this tribunal'
3, 18 Mar 2015: 'Upgrading the majesty of the court', a 'signal of upmost admiration'
--------------------

Here is the text of the order passed on 1 April 2015
Today Mr. Anisul Hassan, Advocate representing Mr. Rezaur Rahman by filing a supplementary written statement expressed unconditional apology for the conduct he had shown being a party to the impugned statement. We have heard the learned Advocate. We have seen and perused the explanation. It is to be noted that already 25 makers of the statement have been exonerated as they have tendered unconditional apology for their conduct. Accordingly Mr. Rezaur Rahman is also exonerated with observation that in future he will remain cautious in making any comment on the lawful authority and jurisdiction of the Tribunal, a lawfully constituted judicial forum.

1. We have patiently ploughed through the explanation submitted by the 23 makers to the statement in question. It appears that by appearing in person and also by engaging counsel, by submitting written explanation (1) Masud Khan, (2) Afsan Chowdhury, (3) Ziaur Rahman, (4) Hana Shams Ahmed, (5) Anu Muhammad, (6) Anusheh Anadil, (7) Muktasree Chakma Sathi, (8) Lubna Marium, (9) Farida Akhter, (10) Shireen Huq, (11) Dr. Zafrullah Chowdhury, (12) Mr. Ali Ahmed Ziauddin, (13) Rahnuma Ahmed, (14) Dr. Shahidul Alam, (15) Dr. C.R. Abrar, (16) Dr. Bina D' Costa, (17) Mahmud Rahman, (18) Dr. Zarina Nahar Kabir, (19) Leesa Gazi, (20) Shabnam Nadiya, (21) Nasrin Siraj Annie, (22) Tibra Ali, (23) Dr. Delwar Hussain expressed ‘regret’ for the comment they made in the said statement.

2. At the out set, it is to be noted that out of 49 citizens who were asked to explain their conduct regarding the impugned statement they made, 26 citizens have already threw them to the mercy of the Tribunal seeking unconditional apology and accordingly they have already been exonerated. But the explanation furnished by 23 citizens the makers to


the impugned ‘statement’ through which they have expressed their mere ‘regret’ by saying–
"Statement and conduct was not in any way intended to 'belittle the authority and institutional dignity of the Tribunal in the mind of public' nor was it intended to question the 'openness and transparency of the Tribunal' as stated in the said Order of the Hon'ble Tribunal, and thus regret any such impression inadvertently made."
3. At the same time they have made an effort to defend by taking protection of fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution of Bangladesh in respect of freedom of thought and conscience and freedoms of expression and association."

4. Prima facie it appears that the core content of the ‘statement’ questions ‘transparency and openness’ of the judicial proceedings before the Tribunal and also justification of the order sentencing a journalist for the act of scandalising the Tribunal constituting the offence of contempt.

5. The way the makers to the ‘statement’ have expressed their concern on the matter arising out of the order convicting David Bergman for the offence of contempt prima facie appears to have tended to belittle the authority and institutional dignity of the Tribunal in the mind of public which goes against ‘public interest’.

6. We are constrained to infer it prima facie that the 23 citizens in the name of expressing concern by making the impugned statement are not found to have expressed true remorse and repentance for their comment, by submitting explanation. Rather, they have made effort to justify their conduct they have shown by initiating the impugned statement.

7. The Tribunal finds the ‘regret’ they have expressed it to be without real and sincere remorse. The Tribunal thus finds that it has been merely tendered as a ‘weapon of defence’. It is to be noted that ‘regret’ and ‘justification’ or ‘defence’ cannot stand together. We are not convinced to accept it particularly when it is coupled with a ‘defence’. Thus it is rejected.

8. In view of above, we are of the view that for protecting authority and dignity of the Tribunal and to keep the notion of administration of justice untainted in the mind of public it is appropriate to draw contempt proceeding under section 11(4) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 against (1) Masud Khan, (2) Afsan Chowdhury, (3) Ziaur Rahman, (4) Hana Shams Ahmed, (5) Anu Muhammad, (6) Anusheh Anadil, (7) Muktasree Chakma Sathi, (8) Lubna Marium, (9) Farida Akhter, (10) Shireen Huq, (11) Dr. Zafrullah Chowdhury, (12) Mr. Ali Ahmed Ziauddin, (13) Rahnuma Ahmed, (14) Dr. Shahidul Alam, (15) Dr. C.R. Abrar, (16) Dr. Bina D' Costa, (17) Mahmud Rahman, (18) Dr. Zarina Nahar Kabir, (19) Leesa Gazi, (20) Shabnam Nadiya, (21) Nasrin Siraj Annie, (22) Tibra Ali, (23) Dr. Delwar Hussain the makers to the impugned ‘statement’ published in the daily Prothom Alo on 20 December 2014.

9. As we find prima facie case in initiating contempt proceedings against those 23 citizens, we decide to ask each of those 23 citizens, to show cause, as to why they will not be punished individually for contempt of the Tribunal for scandalizing the Tribunal in the mind of the public by making impugned statement and thereby demean its authority and dignity under the provision of section 11(4) of the International Crime (Tribunals) Act, 1973 on or before 23.04.2015.

10. The eight (8) persons who have been staying in abroad may be duly notified through the respective Bangladesh Mission. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dhaka, Bangladesh is asked to do the needful.

11. Records shows, notice of the order has duly been served upon the respective authority of "New York Times" but they have not responded yet. In such a posture, we are constrained to pass appropriate order regarding the comment made by the "New York Times" for scandalizing the Tribunal in the mind of the public by publishing impugned comment inter alia 'It should immediately overturn Mr. Bergman's Sentence and Conviction' in it's editorial dated 23.12.2014 and thereby demean its (Tribunal's) authority and dignity. 23.04.2015 is fixed for further order. Registrar, ICT is directed to communicate the order accordingly.

Wednesday, April 1, 2015

'Upgrading the majesty of the Tribunal', a signal of 'utmost admiration'

Below are the most recent orders of the International Crimes Tribunal-2 passed on 3 March and 18 March 2015 (which are of a similar nature) in relation to action that the Tribunal has taken against 49 Bangladeshis who were signatories of a statement (published in the Bangladesh news paper Prothom Alo) which commented on a judgement given earlier by the tribunal involving contempt of court.



To understand these proceedings read the following:
Read about:   The background to these proceedings 
28 Dec 2014: To 'Protect its jurisdiction and authority' 
14 Jan 2015:  'Explain yourselves' 
11 Feb 2015: The New York Times's 'unwarranted and derogatory comment' 
23 Feb 2015: Throw yourself 'at the mercy of this tribunal'
In relation to the most recent orders set out below, the language of the first paragraph in each of the orders is the most interesting. I make no comment.
'Their such introspection has not only upgraded the majesty of the Tribunal but also signify their utmost admiration to the process of the administration of justice that will invariably usher reposing faith by the general mass on the fairness of Court of law in dispensing justice.
3 March 2015
Today is fixed for passing order.  
Today 10 persons namely, Dr. Perveen Hasan, Mr. Ali Riaz, Ms. Tahmina Anam, Mr. Md. Nur Khan, Ms. Faustina Pereira, Ms. Deuty Sabur, Mr. Firdous Azim, Ms. Samia Huq, Mr. Mohiuddin Ahmed and Ms. Sarah Tasnim Shehabuddin by filing applications have expressed their remorse for the comment they made regarding the conviction of David Bergman. They have also unconditionally apologised for their comments and craved mercy of the Tribunal to exonerate them from further prosecution. Their such introspection has not only upgraded the majesty of the Tribunal but also signify their utmost admiration to the process of the administration of justice that will invariably usher reposing faith by the general mass on the fairness of Court of law in dispensing justice. In such a parlance, we accept the apology tendered by above 10 persons finding it just and proper for their remorseful disposition. Thus, we exonerate them from further prosecution.

By filing applications Ms. Nihad Kabir, the learned advocate representing 8 citizens namely, Mr. Masud Khan, Mr. Afsan Chowdhury, Mr. Ziaur Rahman, Ms. Hana Shams Ahmed, Mr. Anu Muhammad, Ms. Anusheh Anadil, Ms. Muktasree Chakma and Ms. Lubna Marium prayed for some more time for filing their proper explanations.

By filing similar applications Ms. Shirin Huq prayed for some more time on behalf of herself and rest 7 persons who are appearing in the Court in person.

Considering all aspects, we are of the view that justice would be met if the aforesaid 16 persons are given some more time to clarify their position to give their proper explanation. Accordingly, the prayers are allowed.

It appears that two persons namely, Dr. Bina D' Costa and Mr. Abrar have sent some papers to the office of the Tribunal stating why they could not file proper explanation by today, and rest distinguished persons who made the statement through the Bangladesh Missions of the respective countries where they are presently residing have sought for some more time to send their proper explanation.
Considering all aspects, we are of the view that justice would be met if we allow the applications seeking adjournment. Accordingly, the hearing of the matter is adjourned till 18.03.2015.

Record shows that no reply has yet come from the Editorial Board of the international daily the New York Times till today. Necessary order will be passed on the date fixed on this matter.

Let this matter be posted in the list on 18.03.2015 for order.
18 March 2015
Today is fixed for passing order.

By filing an application Dr. Dina M. Siddiqi has expressed her remorse for the comment she made regarding the conviction of David Bergman. She has also unconditionally apologised for her comments and craved mercy of the Tribunal to exonerate her from further prosecution. Her such introspection has not only upgraded the majesty of the Tribunal but also signify her utmost admiration to the process of the administration of justice that will invariably usher reposing faith by the general mass on the fairness of Court of law in dispensing justice. In such a parlance, we accept the apology tendered by her finding it just and proper for her remorseful disposition. Thus, we exonerate her from further prosecution.

By filing an application for adjournment on behalf of 10(ten) persons namely, Masud Khan, Afsan Chowdhury, Ziaur Rahman, Hana Shams Ahmed, Anu Muhammad, Anusheh Anadil, Muktasree Chakma Sathi, Lubna Marium, Farida Akhter and Md. Rezaur Rahman, Mr. Asaduzzaman, the learned advocate prays for adjournment of the case till 01.04.2015 as a last chance.

By filing similar applications Ms. Shirin Huq prayed for some more time on behalf of her and rest 4 persons who are appearing in the Court in person.

Considering all aspects, we are of the view that justice would be met if the aforesaid 15 persons are given some more time to clarify their position to give their proper explanation. Accordingly, the prayers for adjournment are allowed as a last chance.

Let this matter be posted in the list on 01.04.2015 for order.

Friday, February 27, 2015

Throw yourselves "at the mercy of this Tribunal"

Below is the most recent order of the International Crimes Tribunal passed on 23 February 2015,  in relation to action that the Tribunal has taken against 49 Bangladeshis who were signatories of a statement (published in the Bangladesh news paper Prothom Alo) which commented on a judgement given earlier by the tribunal involving contempt of court.

To read (a)  last order of the court involving the New York Times, click here, and (b) the previous sequence of orders, click here

The order passed on 23 February 2015
- accepted the 'unconditional' apology given by two of the signatories "for any dishonor that may have denigrate the dignity and majesty of this Tribunal (sic)" having "thrown themselves at the mercy of this Tribunal."
- allowed the apologies of 12 others to be accepted after they amended their text so that it contained no justification at all of the statement, and contained an unconditional apology and a submission to 'the mercy of the Tribunal;
- 35 other signatories were allowed until 3 March to clarify their position
- the New York Times, which had not responded to the Tribunal's order has also been given until 3 March to explain its editorial commenting on the same order.
- stated that my conduct "was a flagrant onslaught on the independence of the judiciary, destructive of the orderly administration of justice and a challenge to the supremacy of the Rule of Law."
The full order is set out in full below and can also be accessed here:
By order dated 14.01.2015 this Tribunal asked 49 Citizens who had voiced their concern by making statements in “the Daily Prothom Alo” dated 20.12.2014 over awarding punishment to David Bergman-a British national to explain their conduct and position. In view of such order the citizenry have furnished their explanation by engaging counsels as well as in person. Today, following our order dated 08.02.2015 the maker of the statements at home, entered their appearance before this Tribunal. Now, the record is taken up for passing Order.

We have very meticulously perused the article titled “ Bargmen er Shajai Ponchash Nagoriker Udbek” published on 20.12.2014 in the ‘Daily Prothom Alo’, being evolved from an undated testimonial that jointly shared by all those personalities under the caption “Statement of Concern regarding Tribunal’s Contempt Judgement on David Bergman”- so submitted on 31.12.2014 by its ( the Daily Prothom Alo) Editor and each and every explanations. Since we find the tone and tenor of the explanations submitted, is not identical, we seem it expedient to evaluate the explanations independently in the following manner:

First, Dr. Shahdeen Malik, a practicing Lawyer of Supreme Court, Bangladesh in his explanation did not justify the contents that has been published in the Daily Prothom Alo’ dated 20.12.2014 rather has tendered unconditional apology before this Tribunal for any dishonor that may have denigrate the dignity and majesty of this Tribunal. In similar vein, Mr. Hafizuddin Khan, a retired Comptroller and Auditor General, Government of Bangladesh and an ex-advisor to the Care Taker Government Bangladesh has also craved unconditional apology for his concern, he ventilated over awarding the verdict against David Bergman, published. Eventually, both have thrown themselves at the mercy of this Tribunal.

On going through their respective explanation, we at least do not find anything therein as to what prompted them to voice such concern and share the views through issuing a ‘statement’ under the heading “Statement of Concern regarding Tribunal’s Contempt Judgement on David Bergman” that has been published.

The statement in question did not reflect that the makers to it had gone through the decision convicting David Bergman. We think that they would not have made them party to such statement if really had they taken pain in going through the entire decision of the Tribunal.

Conduct of the convicted journalist was a flagrant onslaught on the independence of the judiciary, destructive of the orderly administration of justice and a challenge to the supremacy of the Rule of Law. The maxim "Salus populi suprema lex", that is "the welfare of the people is the supreme law" adequately enunciates the idea of law. This can be achieved only when justice is administered lawfully, judicially, without fear or favour and without being hampered and thwarted, and this cannot be effective unless respect for it is fostered and maintained. We believe that the notable citizens who have tendered apology for their conduct they have shown in the ‘statement’ have been now able to perceive this settled norms and responsibility.

We firmly believe, both the citizens by this time, have earned high esteem and eminence in their respective fields for their immense contribution towards the society and the nation as well by their invaluable analysis on contemporary national issues telecast and broadcast both in electronic and print media as well as in different seminar and symposium for not gaining themselves but for the cause of nation’s upliftment. We thus, fervently hope, in future, they will be more careful in making or sharing any statement that could ever disparage the authority and dignity of the Court of law.

Above all, they have figured out their imprecision in sharing and making statements, called in question. Their such introspection has not only upgraded the majesty of the Tribunal but also signify their utmost admiration to the process of the administration of justice that will invariably usher reposing faith by the general mass on the fairness of court of law in dispensing justice. In such a parlance, we accept the apology tendered by Dr. Shahdeen Malik and Mr. Hafizuddin Khan finding it just and proper for their remorseful disposition and accordingly, we exonerate them from further prosecution.

From the statements of 12 citizens named, Zakir Hossain-human rights activists, Shahnaz Huda-academic, Badiul Alam Majumder- social activist, Imtiaz Ahamed- teacher, Rasheda Khatun- development Practitioner, Naila Khan-Professor,Child Neurology, Ilira Dewan-Private Service holder, Amena Akter Mohshin-teacher, Asif Nazrul-academic, Syeda Rizwana Hasan-academic, Arup Rahee- Private Service holder and Shahina Akhter- Private Service holder though have furnished their explanation separately but their assertion are entirely similar.

In cumulative analysis of paragraph 4 of their explanation, we hold the view that, they have strenuously attempted to justify the correctness of the core-essence of ‘statement’ –that called in question in the instant proceeding and in a very stray manner they sought ‘apology’ leaving it to the prudence of this Tribunal to consider whether their such venture ever constitute contempt of the Tribunal.

When the Tribunal was about to pass the order on the explanation given by these 13 citizens their engaged lawyer Mr. Jotirmoy Barua apprised the Tribunal that his clients are repentant for the statement they made and want to submit them to the mercy of the Tribunal by expressing unconditional apology and for this reason they want 30 minutes time to amend their written explanation.

After allowing the prayer out of 13, 12 citizens have expressed their remorseful unconditional apology to the Tribunal almost in the similar words spelt out by Mr. Shahdeen Malik & Mr. M. Hafizuddin. We are inclined to accept their unconditional apology. Accordingly we exonerate them also from the prosecution.

Ms. Nihad Kabir, the learned advocate representing 14 citizens namely Ms Seuty Sabur, Ms. Faustina Pereira, Mr. Masud Khan, Md. Nur Khan, Mr. Mohiuddin Ahmed, Mr. Afsan Chowdhury, Ms. Firdous Azim, Mr. Ziaur Rahman, Ms. Hana Sams Ahmed, Mr. Anu Muhammad, Ms. Samia Huq, Ms. Anusheh Anadil, Ms. Lubna Marium, Ms. Muktasree Chakma Sathi prayed for some time to take further instructions from her clients to clarify their position. She also prayed time for the same reason on behalf of Ms. Tahmima Anam presently who is residing abroad.

Ms. Shirin Huq with a similar contention prayed for some more time on behalf of herself and rest 7 persons who are appearing in the Court in person.

Mr. Mainul Haque, the learned advocate appeared for Dr. Perveen Hassan also prayed for short adjournment to clarify her position.

Considering all aspects, we are of the view that justice would be met if the aforesaid 35 persons are given some more time to clarify their position. Accordingly, the verbal prayers made by the learned advocates and Ms. Shirin Huq are allowed. They are directed to clarify their position by 3rd March, 2015.

We have also received information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding service of notice upon the international Daily "New York Times". It appears that Bangladesh Mission in Washington has already communicated the Tribunal's order with the Editorial Board of the "New York Times" an international newspaper published from USA, but they have not responded yet.

New York Times is further asked to explain its conduct regarding publishing the article "Muzzling Speech in Bangladesh' and other comments made by it regarding Mr. Bergman's sentence and conviction by 3rd March 2015.

The office is directed to post this order in the website of the Tribunal and to send the copy of this order to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to communicate with the same to the Bangladesh Mission in USA so that they can send the copy of the said order to the concerned authority of the international Daily New York Times.

Office is also directed to send the copy of this order to the persons staying aboard through our Missions of the respective countries.

Saturday, January 17, 2015

50 signature statement proceedings


The International Crimes Tribunal-2 has issued a number of orders relating to a statement given by 49 Bangladeshis (it was originally 50, but one person removed her name, most of whom live in Bangladesh) which commented on a judgement given earlier by the tribunal involving contempt of court. 

Most recently the Tribunal has asked the 49 people "to explain the contents of the ‘statement’ they allegedly made and their conduct."


The sequence of events and the links to the orders involving 'the statement' are set out below

1. On 2nd December, the International Crimes Tribunal published its judgement on the contempt proceedings involving three articles on the blog.
      - To see an analysis of this judgement, click here 
      - Statement by English Pen  
      - Statement by Reporters without Borders  
      - Statement by HRW, Amnesty International, International Commission or Jurists           
      - Statement by South Asian journalists, writers, historians and activists from South Asia
2. On 19 December, a statement was issued by 50 Bangladeshis.
3. On 23 December, the New York Times published an editorial

50 signature statement - signatories asked to explain


Following its order on 31 December 2014, seeking addresses of those who put their names to a statement reported in the media, the International Crimes Tribunal  on 14 January 2015 passed an order on 49 of these people "to explain the contents of the ‘statement’ they allegedly made and their conduct."

The order is set out below (see in particular paras 10, 12, and 13). Please note that the numbering of paragraphs matches the numbering in the original order.

In the matter of ‘statement’ made by 49 citizens on Tribunal’s order convicting David Bergman for contempt]
Order No.04

Dated 14.1.2015

Dr. Shahdeen Malik, Advocate, Bangladesh Supreme Court [one of makers to the 'statement ' in question], in compliance with Tribunal's earlier order has submitted today the address of the 49 citizens the makers to the 'statement'. We have seen it as placed by the Registrar.

Now the record is taken up for order.

1. The Tribunal taking into its notice the news item titled 'Concern of 50 citizens over Bergman's punishment' published in the Daily Prothom Alo, 20 December 2014, page 2 criticizing on the order dated 02 December 2013 punishing David Bergman a foreign national who has been working in Bangladesh as a journalist for the offence of contempt under section 11(4) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 asked the Editor, the Daily Prothom Alo for furnishing the signed copy of the text of ‘statement’.

50 signature statement - addresses sought


Following its order on 28 December, in which the tribunal raised concerns about a statement signed by 50 Bangladeshis, it passed another order asking that addresses of the signatories be given to the Tribunal.

The order states: "For the purpose of effective disposal of the matter in hand we deem it expedient to have the communicating address of all the signatories … "


A copy of the order is set out below
In compliance to our order dated 28.12.2014 the Editor of the Daily Prothom Alo has submitted the unsigned copy of "Statement" to the Registrar of the Tribunal which has been placed before us. 
We have seen and perused the unsigned copy of the "Statement" published in the Daily Prothom Alo on 20.12.2014 as a news item under the title 'Concern of 50 citizens over Bergman's punishment'
The Editor, the Daily Prothom Alo in his correspondence states-
"On 18.12.2014 we received the said statement of 50 citizens [Annexure-1] through an email from Hana Shams Ahmed, a writer and activist and one of the makers to the 'Statement'. After receiving the statement we cross-checked & verified the authenticity of the 'statement' and published the news on December 20,2014."
The correspondence also states that later on, Khushi Kabir, one of the 50 citizens as making the statement, wrote a letter requesting Prothom Alo to retract her name from the 'Statement'.

Order on Prothom Alo - 50 signature statement report


On 28 December, 2014, the International Crimes Tribunal-2 passed a suo moto order on a news items in the Daily Prothom Alo, the country's biggest newspaper, and an editorial in the New York Times.

The article in Prothom Alo reported on a statement issued by 50 citizens concerned with the judgement passed by the International Crimes Tribunal concerning articles on this blog. The editorial in the New York Times was on the same subject.


The order criticizes the New York Times editorial, and states: 
We are surprised to note that the Editorial Board of The New York Times a renowned international daily can make comment “If justice is truly what the International Crimes Tribunal seeks, it should immediately overturn Mr. Bergman’s sentence and Conviction”. We fail to understand how a daily news paper of international repute asks a court of law of a sovereign country by saying-- ‘it [Tribunal] should immediately overturn Mr. Bergman’s sentence’. 
The order however does not pass any direction on the NYT.

In relation to the Prothom Alo report, the order states:
in order to dispel misconception and since the Tribunal is obliged to protect its jurisdiction and authority, we indispensably need to know-
(i) Whether the statement [published in the Daily Prothom Alo, 20 December 2014, page 2] has been made in the interest of public and
(ii) On the basis of which analysis the signatories have made such statement titled ''50 citizens express concern over Bergman's punishment'. 
The order then goes onto the paper to submit a 'copy of the full text of the statement so made and signed by 50 citizens to the Tribunal

Tuesday, December 2, 2014

Comment on Today's Contempt Judgment

--------------------------------------------------------------- 

So, today's judgement relating to three articles written on this blog was pretty much a full throated, no holds barred take-down.

There are quotes galore about my supposed ill-motivated intention - and the judgement comes close to suggesting that I was acting for 'some other party'. Those who do not like my writing about the Tribunal will certainly find lots of pejorative adjectives and adverbs and adverse descriptions of me to suit their taste.

For me, of course, the conclusions of the court are therefore hugely disappointing - and indeed I would say shocking, particularly due to my long standing journalistic work of many years, which has been fully in support of bringing to account those alleged to have committed international crimes during the country's 1971 independence War.

If there was a legal right to appeal this judgment I would do so. However, the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973 does not allow this! Only convictions/acquittals for offenses relating to international crimes can result in an appeal; not convictions for contempt of court. Moreover, Article 47 A of the constitution further restricts any appeal against the legality of the proceedings at this Tribunal.

However apart from its impact upon me, the judgement is likely to make it increasingly difficult for journalists and other writers in Bangladesh to comment critically on any judicial proceedings and judgments, even when those proceedings are completed.

Tuesday, July 8, 2014

Adjournment

We were all set for the hearing at which my lawyer would put forward to the Tribunal our arguments in response to the allegation that I had committed contempt of court. I had delayed my trip to London by nearly two weeks just so that I would be present for this date.

As the judges entered the court room, one of the applicant's lawyers asked for an adjournment as the main lawyer on their side, Mizan Sayeed was ill. After some discussion, in which the tribunal showed its displeasure at seeking an adjournment, the court adjourned the matter to 21 August.

Sunday, July 6, 2014

Hearing on contempt proceedings

On Tuesday 8 July, a hearing at the International Crimes Tribunal will take place, concerning its previous order requiring me to 'show cause' why I should not be punished for contempt of court.

Last month, our written response to that 'show cause' notice was filed with the court, and Tuesday is the date set for the oral hearing. This written response, along with an account of the oral hearing, will be published on this blog later on Tuesday.

The background to this is as follows:
On 19 February 2014, a lawyer called Abul Kalam Azad, who is not a party to the tribunal and has had no previous involvement with it, filed an application with the tribunal claiming that three articles - one published two and a half years earlier and two published one year earlier - were in contempt to court. 
- A few days latter, the Tribunal in response passed an order seeking an explanation for the 'criticisms' contained in the articles. 
An explanation was filed with the tribunal and an oral hearing took place
- On 17 April, the tribunal passed an order stating that it was not satisfied with the explanation, and that it was of the 'view that there have been prima facie elements of contempt in the comments/criticism dated 11.11.2011 and 28.01.2013 made by the opposite party which warrants to draw contempt proceedings against him under section 11(4) of the ICT Act, 1973. Hence the contemnor is directed to show cause within 15 (fifteen) days from date as to why he shall not be punished for making derogatory comments towards the order ...' 
- The press statement issued subsequent to this order can be seen here 
- In May, a response to the show cause order was filed with the court (to be published on Tuesday)
- 8 July: oral hearing to take place at the tribunal

Sunday, February 23, 2014

Tribunal judgements and the death toll in the 1971 war

An application was made last week to the international crimes tribunal claiming focusing on an article/post written on this blog which was written in 2011, over two and a half years ago, concerning the number of people killed in 1971 and claiming that it is contemptuous. 

The article was written in the context of a statement contained in the historical introduction of the charge-framing order (i.e indictment) delivered by tribunal-1 against Delwar Hosain Sayedee on 3 October 2011. It stated:
'As a result [of the actions of the Pakistan military, and the role of the collaborators] '3 million (thirty lacs) people were killed more than 200,000 (two lacs) woman raped, about 10 million (one crore) people deported to India as refugees and million others were internally displaced...'.
See here some my response to this contempt application

I thought it would be interesting to see how the nine subsequent final tribunal judgements, all delivered in 2013,  have dealt with the issue of the 1971 death toll.

Please note that this is simply a factual analysis of the judgements. Nothing more

Thursday, February 20, 2014

Fair comment on judicial proceedings 3

This post continues with an examination of the contempt application against me which is to be considered by the International Crimes Tribunal later this afternoon.

As already mentioned, the application only refers to 3 out of over 840 posts as being contemptuous, with the most recent post that it criticises published over one year ago - since which I have published over 200 posts, none of which are criticized. Nonetheless the application seeks the closure of the blog and an order preventing me from writing about the tribunal anywhere in the world.

I have already written why there is no justification to argue that one of three of the posts, written over two years ago concerning the number of dead in 1971 is not contemptuous.

Here I will look at the other two posts. I encourage you to read them in full, as by doing so it is clear that they are fair an constructive comment of a judicial order which is permitted in Bangladesh law.

Fair comment on judicial proceedings 2

I have already made some initial comments about the contempt application filed against me, but the  hard copy of the application has now been kindly provided to me by Barrister Mizan Sayeed on the instruction of the plaintiff in the application, Abul Kalam Azad who is another High Court lawyer.* 

Key prayer: closing down website, stop writing
Before looking at the substance of the application, it is important to note that - other than seeking my punishment - the plaintiff has this 'prayer' to the court.
'To pass an order of stay or injunction restraining the opposite party to further display, publish, circulate any articles/comments in his personal blog in respect of war crimes tribunal and its preceding or in any other electronic of print media or in any worldwide website.'
It is this prayer which suggests the real motive behind this application - to stop any kind of commentary about the tribunal from a critical perspective. People may not agree with the commentary in the blog - and in some parts it is certainly quite trenchant - but when it does include critical comment, it comes within the fair criticism of judicial orders which Bangladesh law provides. As stated in my earlier post, the appellate division stated in two related 2010 cases that:
 ‘A fair criticism of judicial proceedings or courts is no doubt permissible so as to enable the court to look inward into the correctness of the proceedings and the legality of the order'

Saturday, September 14, 2013

Tribunal overreach in Human Rights Watch case

An obvious question that has so far not been raised concerning the prosecution's attempt to seek a contempt conviction over Human Rights Watch (in relation to a report it published on the Ghulam Azam trial), or the tribunal's subsequent order seeking a response from the organization over the allegations, is whether or not the International Crimes Tribunal even has the power to deal with this matter.

Arguably, the tribunal has no jurisdiction at all.

In its written application, the prosecutors stated in para 12:
'That the Petitioner humbly submits that under section 11 (4) of the 1973 Act, this Hon'ble tribunal is empowered to punish 'any person', which includes both natural and legal person, whether living in Bangladesh or abroad, who 'tends to bring it or any of its members into hatred or contempt' and/or 'does anything which constitutes contempt of the tribunal'

The prosecution seem to be asserting that the words's 'any person' includes a person who lives abroad - and the tribunal, in as much as it passed this order, seems to be accepting this.

However, the very first section of the Act - section 1(1) - explicitly limits the jurisdiction of the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973 "to the whole of Bangladesh".

Yet, no aspect of the alleged offense was committed in Bangladesh: the offending article was neither written nor published within the country by Human Rights Watch or its officials.

It is therefore difficult to see how the tribunal has any jurisdiction over the organisation, which is based in the United States or those who work for it whilst outside Bangladesh.

On this basis alone it would appear that Human Rights Watch should be able to swat the legal action away.

We will have to wait and see how the tribunal explains how it does have jurisdiction over HRW.

If the prosecution/tribunal really wanted to take action within its powers it should have issued a notice of contempt against every Bangladesh newspaper/electronic media that published details of the Human Rights Watch statement.

The alleged offenses would at least then have taken place in Bangladesh - and been within the tribunal's competence.


Wednesday, September 4, 2013

Bar Human Rights Committee: 'a chilling attempt to silence criticism'

The Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales, which has commendably - along with Human Right Watch - taken a keen interest in the trials taking place at the International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh, has issued a statement 'expressing concern' at the contempt charges brought by the prosecutor against Human Rights Watch.



BHRC's statement - which was in fact published before the tribunal passed its order - states that, 'the current charges against HRW amount to a chilling attempt to silence criticism of the ICT.'

The statement particularly notes that 'The Commonwealth (Latimer House) Principles on the Accountability of and the Relationship Between the Three Branches of Government' which state:
“criminal law and contempt proceedings should not be used to restrict legitimate criticism of the performance of judicial functions.”
The statement is available on the BHRC website here, and is also reproduced below. Previous statements made by the BHRC on the Bangladesh ICT are available here
BHRC expresses concern at the contempt charges brought against Human Rights Watch by the Chief Prosecutor of the International Crimes Tribunal ("ICT") in Bangladesh. 
The Bar Human Rights Committee (“BHRC”) expresses its concern at the contempt charges that have been brought against Human Rights Watch (HRW) by the Chief Prosecutor to the Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal ("ICT").

The charges relate to a report by Human Rights Watch on 16th August 2013 criticising the trial and subsequent conviction of Professor Ghulam Azam as falling far below international fair trial standards. Criticism of the ICT proceedings has been widely voiced internationally. The US Ambassador at Large on War Crimes Issues, Stephen J. Rapp, has publicly stated, in respect of earlier verdicts given by the ICT that "these convictions are not yet final. [These] issues are being raised in the submissions of the defendants in the appeals pending. It is not too late to get these things right in the Supreme Court or to adopt the [se] principles (of fair trials in accordance with international standards)."

Judges and the judicial process are open to criticism under the Bangalore Principles. The Commonwealth (Latimer House) Principles on the Accountability of and the Relationship Between the Three Branches of Government state: “criminal law and contempt proceedings should not be used to restrict legitimate criticism of the performance of judicial functions.”

The UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders states that human rights defenders have the right “freely to publish, impart or disseminate to others views, information and knowledge on all human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

BHRC is concerned that the current charges against HRW amount to a chilling attempt to silence criticism of the ICT.

BHRC urges concentration upon examining those aspects of the trials and convictions that are criticized with a view to ensuring due process compliance rather than pursuing detractors. We support Stephen J. Rapp’s invitation that it is not too late for flaws in the trials to be accepted and remedied.

Monday, September 2, 2013

Tribunal passes order on contempt application against Human Rights Watch

2 Sept 2012

This is a detailed note taken of the order as read out by the Tribunal One chairman Justice Kabir relating to the prosecution's application seeking contempt proceedings to be issued against Human Rights Watch and two of its staff members concerning a report that the human rights organisation published regarding the trial of Ghulam Azam. It will be replaced by the text of the actual order as soon as it is available.

Ghulam Azam trial judgement
Human Rights Watch statement on judgement 
Prosecution written application seeking contempt proceedings
- Prosecution's oral arguments in support of application
- Comment on prosecution application
- Media reporting of tribunal judges pre-judgement speech

Below is the order read out in court.
Today is fixed for passing order on an application filed for contempt under section 11(4) of the 1973 ICT Act by the chief prosecutor seeking the drawing up of proceedings against Human Rights Watch and two officials, the opposite parties. 
The chairman and two members are judges of the supreme court of bangladesh. This tribunal is a legally constituted judicial body set  upon 28 March 2010 to try crimes against humanity and other international offices as specified in section 3 of the ICT Act 1973. 
Mr Tapos with Sultan Mahmodd and Tureen Afroz made application for contempt in open court. The learned prosecutors submitted that this tribunal by observing such laws pursuant in the 1973 ICT Act and rules of procedure conducted the trial of Ghulam Azam and gave verdict on 15 July 2013 and convicted him and sentenced him to 90 years. 
It is submitted that two appeal have been made against judgement relating to Ghulam Azam which are not proceeding in the Appellate Division - but that despite this the opposing parties willfully made illegal comment on sub judice matter which is unethical. 
The opposite party no 3, working under the direct supervision of opposite party no 2 an article published on 16 August 2013, with title 'Bangladesh: Azam conviction based on flawed proceedings'. In same article on 16 August 2013, the opposite party 1, 2 and 3, criticised judgement and charges in the following way: 
(a) judges undertaking investigations
(b) collusion between prosecutors and judges
(c) tribunal failed to take steps to protect defence witnesses
(d) changes in judicial panel in the Azam trial
(e) lack of evidence to prove charged beyond reasonable doubt 
The learned prosecutors prayed for contempt proceedings to be issued against opposite party nos 1, 2 and 3 for biased, false, male fide article, and for scandalising the judges of the tribunal
On perusal of the application, and considering substance of the arguments of the learned prosecutors, we are of the view that there are sufficient grounds to draw up contempt proceedings against [each of the three parties]. 
Allegations in proposed contempt proceedings are: 
1. The opposite party has made five illegal contentions about the trial process of Ghulam Azam in an illegal article on a sub-judice mater, knowing that there are two appeals pending before the appellate division. Thus they illegally interfered in the justice process of Bangladesh. 
2. Opposite parties neither made any attempt to find out about the trial or attended any of the tribunal sessions, but together made biased, scandalous report with intent to ... make the whole trial proceedings controversial. 
3. Opposite parties have unethically questioned the dignity of the judge on their website and have tarnished them in the esteem of people. 
A notice should be issued against them to give response within three weeks why contempt proceedings under section 11(4) of the 1973 Act should not be introduced against them.
Next date of proceedings is 30 September 2013

Sunday, September 1, 2013

HRW contempt: How the media reported judge's speech, pre-Azam judgement

What did the chair of Tribunal 1 state in his introductory statement prior to reading out the summary judgment in the trial of Ghulam Azam on 15 July 2013?

This is relevant as one of the criticisms made by Human Rights Watch of the judgement of Ghulam Azam, was that in this speech, the judge had stated that due to the paucity of evidence provided by the prosecutors, the tribunal had to undertake its own 'investigation', something unknown to the defense and about which they could not respond. The relevant part of the HRW report is as follows:
In an extraordinary break with practice in Bangladesh, the judges in the Azam case conducted their own investigation into the case to make up for deficiencies in the case presented by the prosecution, calling into serious question the impartiality of the court. Defense counsel were unaware of this investigation, and were thus unable to comment and challenge the evidence obtained by the judges. This constitutes a serious violation of article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Bangladesh is a party. 
During the oral presentation of the verdict in court on July 15, 2013, the presiding judge, AKM Fazle Kabir, referred to the paucity of evidence presented by the prosecution during the trial, saying “the prosecution did not provide us with much” and “the documents which the prosecution . . . submitted as evidence were not adequate.” 
Verdicts in ICT cases have usually been delivered within a month after final statements by each party. The Azam verdict was unusual as the judgment was delivered several months later because, as Justice Kabir explained in his oral statement, the judges decided to conduct their own investigation in order to strengthen the prosecution’s case. Justice Kabir noted that the prosecution had submitted mainly newspaper articles which were not reliable as they could often be wrong, and therefore the judges conducted their own research to get “reference books.” Although they reached a verdict of guilty on all counts, Justice Kabir went on to say that they “were still not too satisfied with the documents [they themselves] were able to collect,” all the while conceding that the case rests largely on documentary evidence. 
Bangladesh is a common law country and trials are conducted on an adversarial basis. The standard practice in such jurisdictions is that the judges reach verdicts on the basis of the evidence produced by the various parties to the case. According to practicing lawyers in Bangladesh, judges do not conduct their own investigations when they find that they are unable to reach a guilty verdict.
This raises two questions. First, what did Justice Kabir actually say? (i.e did he say what HRW states that he did?) Secondly, if HRW is correct, is this the criticism given by HRW appropriate?

This post is very limited in its purpose - just setting out extracts from the Bangladesh media which reported the introductory speech on 16 July, the day after the judgement.

There is no further comment in this post - the extracts speak for themselves. This is not comprehensive - but includes a total of 9 newspapers/online news portals.

If the issue of what was stated by Justice Kabir becomes a substantive issue, it may be possible to find out exactly what was stated in court since apparently all proceedings in the tribunal are recorded by the tribunal itself.

It should be noted that the prosecutors are seeking to convict HRW for contempt of court in relation to its criticisms of the Azam verdict, and have argued that HRW has misrepresented what was stated by Justice Kabir in court. (See a previous post assessing the contempt application).

English language media (in alphabetical order)

1. Bdnews24.com: "Prosecution blamed for delay'
The war crimes tribunal blamed inadequacy of prosecution documents behind the unusual three-month delay in giving Jamaat guru Ghulam Azam’s judgement since his trial ended on Apr 17. The other judgements have typically come within under a month of trial conclusion. Azam was sentenced to 90 years in prison for conspiracy, planning, incitement, complicity and murder during the 1971 Liberation War when he headed Jamaat-e-Islami. Tribunal chief, Justice A T M Fazle Kabir acknowledged the speculation and apprehension centring around the delay in delivering this significant judgement.“There have been criticisms in the media,” he said remarking that there may well be criticisms — as long as there were no allegations or accusations. 
The presiding judge of the International Crimes Tribunal-1 said that Ghulam Azam’s case was distinct from the others for two specific reasons. “There are no allegations that he was physically present at any crime scene. And secondly, there are no allegations that he actively directed the commission of war crimes.” The judge said that most of the evidence against Ghulam Azam was based on documents, essentially news reports. “It would have been better if the prosecution had submitted more scholastic material like books, research paper or journal articles.” 
Justice Kabir said that it was perhaps unwise to depend entirely on news reports since they were written immediately after the event without affording the journalist much time to think.“Books and journals, they are different. The authors get more time to reflect on the events and research the matter, which make them more authentic,” observed Justice Kabir.“But the prosecution did not really provide us with much, in a manner of speaking.” He also lamented about the inadequate reference material at the tribunal saying that there was just one full volume of the authoritative ‘Muktijuddher Dolilpotro’ for both the tribunals, by way of an example. 
The tribunal, he said, went out and collected relevant material on its own. “We needed to satisfy ourselves. It was also necessary for a better judgement.”“This took us a long time. That is why it took us three months to give the judgement,” Justice Kabir continued, “But we are still not too satisfied with the documents we were able to collect.” It took this long only to enrich the judgement, the presiding judge told a packed courtroom before he handed over to co-judge Justice Anwarul Haque who read the first part of the judgement.
2. The Daily Star: Judgement due to poor logistics
Many in the courtroom were surprised when the International Crimes Tribunal-1 chairman said the court had to share a 15-volume book on Liberation War documents with the other tribunal.
The tribunal yesterday expressed discontent over the lack of logistics support while explaining its delay in preparing the judgment in the Ghulam Azam case.
About the prosecution’s submission of supporting documents, Tribunal Chairman Justice ATM Fazle Kabir said, “Had they submitted more books, it would have been better for us.”
The tribunal could not even collect a satisfactory number of reference books for preparing the verdict, Justice Kabir said before passing judgment.
He said the government had allotted only a set of Swadhinata Juddher Dalilpatra for the two tribunals dealing with the war crimes cases.
The proceedings of the case against Azam were completed on April 17, but the tribunal took nearly three months to come up with the verdict.
In the meantime, several newspapers had run reports speculating over the delay in delivering the verdict.
The war crimes trial campaigners on several occasions had tried to bring the needs of logistics, including a library and a research cell, to the government’s notice.
In his 15-minute introductory speech yesterday, Justice Kabir said Ghulam Azam was a very familiar figure in Bangladesh, and it was an established fact that he was the ameer (chief) of East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami and a powerful leader of the Central Peace Committee.
About the case against him, he said, “It carries some special features.”
No charges were brought against him for direct involvement in crimes, the judge said. “Mainly, the charge of superior responsibility or command responsibility was brought against him, which is a recognised matter.”
Para-militia forces like the Peace Committee, Razakar, Al-Badr, Al-Shams were formed mainly with the members of the Jamaat-e-Islami, and these forces in association with the Pakistan army committed numerous crimes during the Liberation War, Justice Kabir said.
“Although he [Ghulam Azam] had control over the para-militia forces, he did not bar them or punish them, and that’s why he was held liable for these crimes and he has to take all responsibility for the forces,” he said.
As per Section 4(2) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act-1973, the chief has to take responsibility for his/her subordinates, he added.
The tribunal chairman also said Ghulam Azam’s case was different from all other cases pending before the court. In this case, documentary evidence, not oral evidence, was very important.
He said the prosecution had submitted documentary evidence, mainly newspapers, to prove the charges. “It would have been better if they [prosecution] had submitted more documents.”
He said reference books were preferable to newspaper reports, as the latter could often be wrong. “But we did not get such reference books.”
About the media reports and criticism over the delay in the delivery of the verdict, the judge said, “There may have been criticism but we have no complaint in this regard.”
“Personal and collective reasons caused the delay,” he added.
He said hundreds of books on the Liberation War were published in the last 42 years. “But we have not enough reference books in hand. We have tried to collect more books.”
“We have taken more time to enrich the judgment,” Justice Kabir said.
Under Section 19 of the International crimes (Tribunals) Act-1973, the tribunal shall not require proof of facts of common knowledge but shall take judicial notice, he said.
“However, we are going to deliver the judgment today on the basis of the evidence,” said Justice Kabir before beginning to read out the verdict.
3. New Age: Ghulam Azam handed down 90 years in prison
Justice ATM Fazle Kabir, before delivering the verdict, it had taken the tribunal about three months to collect reference books which caused the delay in the delivery of the verdict.
4. The Sun: Ghulam Azam jailed for 90 years
In the preamble to the verdict, presiding judge ATM Fazle Kabir said as there is no sufficient oral evidence in the case, the tribunal had to rely on the documentary evidence, mostly paper clippings.
“The tribunal itself collected some references to hand down the verdict in the befitting manner,” he added.
Justice Fazle Kabir said the lack of oral evidence caused delay in passing the judgment.
Bangla language paper (in alphabetical order, unofficial translations)

1. Ittefaq
Justice ATM Fazle Kabir delivered a speech before the judgment. He said, “The only accused of this case is Golam Azam. He is a well-known person. Especially, in 1971 he was very well-known. It’s been acknowledged that in 1971 he was the Ameer of Jamaat of the then East Pakistan. He was also an influential leader of the Peace Committee (Shanti Committee). In this case, the prosecution has brought 5 charges against him. There is some specialty in this case, because there is no charge against him where he was present at the crime spot or where the crime was committed with his order. Rather, the charges brought against him are of “Superior responsibility”.

He said, this has been acknowledged that, in 1971 he was the Ameer of Jamaat of the then East Pakistan. Back then, the Jamaat leaders formed paramilitary forces like Al Badar, Al Shams and Rajakar. These paramilitary forces assisted the Pakistani Army in killings, genocide, rape, loot and setting fire. Golam Azam had command over these forces. In spite of having command over them he didn’t stop them. He didn’t even take any punishment step against anyone for committing those crimes. According to section 4 (2) of International Crime (Tribunal) Act, 1973 the responsibility of these forces goes to Golam Azam. Four among the five charges brought against him is of Superior Responsibility.

He further said, according to the nature of this case, there is no need for oral evidence (witnesses). Documentary evidence is enough for this. The prosecution has shown some paper cutting of news papers from 1971 and 1972 and some books. However, some times the news in news paper might not be comprehensive due to time constraint. For this reason, books or research papers written on these incidents are much more acceptable. If the prosecution had submitted some more books, it would have been much helpful for the Tribunal. This is why, the Tribunal tried to collect few more book through judicial notice within its jurisdiction. However, we didn’t get anything remarkably satisfactory. It took some time. However, the Tribunal has prepared the judgment on the basis on the given evidence.
2. Kaler Kontho
Kabir said, “It took three months for us to declare the judgment. The media has criticized us regarding this. We have noticed that.” He said, “There were some holistic problems regarding the judgment. This is an exceptional case. In other cases the accused are charged with direct involvement in crime. In this case, Golam Azam is not accused of direct involvement in the crime. The charge against him is of “Superior Responsibility”. Some news paper cuttings of 1971, 1972 and 1973 have been submitted as document in support of the charge against him. Some books have been submitted which were written much later. The submitted documents are not enough. It would have been good if some more documents were submitted. He further said, “There are two Tribunals for crime against humanity but only one set of the documents related to liberation has been provided. There is no other reference copy beside this. It took time to collect reference and other documents. He said, “The prosecution could not satisfactorily submit everything. Neither could we collect those."
3. Naya Diganta
At 10:45 am, after the court started its proceedings, Chairman Justice ATM Fazle Kabir delivered a speech on the judgment. He said, Professor Golam Azam is a well-known person. Especially, in 1971 he was very well-known. It’s been acknowledged that in 1971 he was the Ameer of Jamaat of the then East Pakistan. He was also an influential member of the Peace Committee (Shanti Committee).

He said, the prosecution has brought 5 charges against him. But there is no direct charge against him where he was present at the crime spot or where he has committed a crime. No such charge has been brought against him. No direct charge has been brought against him, unlike the other cases. In this perspective, this case is an exceptional case. The charges brought against him are of “Superior command responsibility”. Most of the members of paramilitary forces like Al Badar, Rajakar, Al Shams were from Jamaat-e-Islami. These paramilitary forces assisted the Pakistani Army in killings, genocide and rape. The charge against him is, he had command on these forces. Therefore, he cannot avoid the responsibility of these crimes. The responsibility of Al Badar, Al Shams and Rajakar falls on him.

The newspaper cuttings submitted by the prosecution reveals the facts about when, where and whom he met in 1971, where he delivered speech and where he asked for assistance from Pakistan.

ATM Fazle Kabir said, generally the newspapers publish the news right after the incident. Therefore, news paper report can be wrong. But, books are written much later and the writer gets the opportunity to scrutinize the information. But, in this case we did not get any book as reference. We only have a copy of Documents of Liberation war. We could not collect the books on liberation war written over last 42 years. It caused delay for this judgment. We could not collect it satisfactorily.
4. Prothom Alo
Justice ATM Fazle Kabir further said, “This is the main difference of this case with the other cases of this Tribunal. In other cases there is direct allegation but in this case there isn’t any. All the evidences of this case are documentary. News cutting from various newspapers shows that, Golam Azam delivered speech, participated in discussion, asked assistance through speech and consultation. However, I think that it would have been very helpful if some more documents were submitted. No remarkable book has been submitted as reference book.

Justice ATM Fazle Kabir said, many people have criticized us for taking three months to publish the judgment. They have their rights to criticize, but we have some collective problems. We have no other law books in the Tribunal except one set of Documents related to liberation and both the Tribunals have to share that. Hundreds of books on liberation have been written over the last 40 years but the prosecution did not submit those to us, so we did not get it. We tried to enrich the judgment by collecting references from various sources. But we could not be satisfied even after that. This is why, there was delay in publishing the judgment. He said, ‘the full judgment is of 242 pages but a brief judgment of 75 pages will be read out loud in the hearing."
5. Samakal
Before that, the Chairman of the Tribunal gave a 10 minute introductory speech. He said, Golam Azam’s case is an exceptional one. Though Golam Azam was not present at the scene when the crime was committed, he has been charged as the main planner of Bengali genocide.

Friday, August 30, 2013

'Mendacious hyperbole': Comment on prosecution contempt application against Human Rights Watch

The arguments put forward by the Tribunal's prosecution lawyers on 22 August seeking a contempt notice against Human Rights Watch, contained  a level of mendacious hyperbole that represents a particular low in prosecutorial standards at this Tribunal.

It is difficult to understand, why the prosecutors might want to make spurious claims which are so demonstrably untrue, or misrepresenting of the truth, when issues of fact are so crucial to the integrity of current trial proceedings - and indeed the prosecution's reputation.

For most of the three hours three given over by the tribunal to hear this application, the prosecution on Thursday ignored the substantive criticisms made by HRW and instead concentrated its fire on traducing the reputation of HRW. It was so one sided, so full of inaccuracy and misrepresentation that it was shocking the prosecutors could get away with it in a court of law.

Human Rights Watch is a large organization, undertaking human rights investigations into governments and non-state bodies around the world (90 countries apparently), which brings to the notice of a global audience violations that governments, their supporters and others would rather remain hidden. Inevitably along the way it has picked up enemies and critics - and there will of course, as indeed there should be, those who simply have different views about the way the organization should undertake its work.

But the prosecution appears to have little  understanding of this. Its strategy - set out in both its written application and the oral arguments - was to take a few articles (a number of them in fact written by the same person) exaggerate their implications, fail to provide any context, and then mix it with a great deal of falsehood and misrepresentation. And 'Voila!' There you have a picture of an amoral unethical organization, doing the bidding of the powerful, without a modicum of competence.

That this is a wholly untrue representation of HRW with no basis in reality appears irrelevant to the prosecutors.

In fact Tapos, the main prosecutor putting forward these arguments in court, got pretty close to suggesting that HRW was in fact funded by the supporters of the accused. One should not be surprised of this accusation of course - since this is a common allegation thrown around in Bangladesh these days against anyone who says just about anything critical of the tribunal.

It is my view that contempt proceedings have been hugely overused by all parties in relation to this Tribunal, and that the prosecutors were very ill-advised to proceed with a contempt application against Human Rights Watch. Nonetheless, having decided to file an application (which is their right), instead of doing everything it could to discredit a highly and globally respected human rights organization, they should simply have focused on the substantive reasons why it was their view that HRW's statement were contemptuous.

Perhaps it was because the prosecutors thought that their arguments were not that strong on the substantive issues that they tried to traduce HRW's reputation?

Here below are details of the false and/or misleading information provided by the prosecution to the tribunal. Separate posts will consider the arguments relating to the substantive issues relating to the contempt application.

DIRECT FALSEHOODS

Falshood 1: "Human Rights Watch does not publish details of its donors."
The prosecution made a categorical statement that HRW does 'not disclose its donors'. This was not said once, but was repeated a number of times. This claim was then combined with an allegation that HRW simply produces the information that is in the interest of these 'unknown' donors.

In fact HRW does publish details of all donors who provide it over $5,000**. This is available in the hard copy of the organisation's annual report.

Falsehood 2: "HRW has not published any report on Saudia Arabia"
The prosecution alleged that HRW received money 'from Saudia Arabia' (though it was not made clear from whom, it was implied it was from the government) and that as a direct result of this funding, HRW does not produce any reports on the violations in the country.

It is a direct falsehood to suggest that HRW has failed to write criticisms of the human rights situation in Saudia Arabia. In fact since just the beginning of this year, it has issued at least 18 press releases/reports. So the allegation that as a result of any money it may have received from Saudia Arabian citizens influenced its reporting is bogus.

And on the issue of receiving money from 'Saudi Arabia'. If any money was received it was from 'citizens'. Are the prosecutors suggesting that HRW should not receive financial support from people of particular ethnicities or particular nationalities - simply because their governments are abusive? For those who want to understand the full context concerning two meetings that HRW did hold in Saudia Arabia, it may be best to read this, a context which was not provided by the prosecutors.

Falsehood 3: "HRW publicly supports CIA renditions to other countries"
This was a statement made by the prosecutor, Tapos with no caveats or context. The prosecution claim refers back to an article in the Los Angeles Times published in 2009, where a HRW official was quoted as saying: '"Under limited circumstances, there is a legitimate place" for renditions, said Tom Malinowski, the Washington advocacy director for Human Rights Watch. "What I heard loud and clear from the president's order was that they want to design a system that doesn't result in people being sent to foreign dungeons to be tortured -- but that designing that system is going to take some time."' It is not clear exactly what this means, what are the limited circumstances in which HRW might support rendition. Perhaps significantly, there is no other HRW statement repeating this. It seems to be a singular reference.

What however is clear is that HRW has in fact been very critical of the CIA renditions that have taken place - as can be seen by looking at this link which itemises their various reports and press releases on the subject. These were all ignored by the prosecutors.

So it was false to suggest that HRW supports or supported the kinds of CIA renditions that the tribunal would have understood the prosecutor to have been referring.

MISREPRESENTATIONS/ODDITIES IN CRITICISM OF HRW 

1. Prosecutors' 'Pro-Isreali' position
In a country that is amongst the very few that does not even recognise the existence of Israel, it was to say the least fascinating to see the Bangladesh government appointed prosecutors support those organisations and individuals critical of HRW reports setting out human rights violations committed by the Israeli state and security forces - and going on to criticise HRW for bias against Israel!

For the prosecutors to quote approvingly 'pro-Israeli' NGO's (for example the organisation, NGO Monitor, in particular) who criticise HRW for their reports on Israel is failing to appreciate the deep divisions that exist in the politics of the middle East. The prosecutors seem to have misunderstood that it is only those who provide pretty much unconditional support to the Israeli state and its military actions against the palestinians who seem to be party to these criticisms against HRW.

The prosecutors made great play of the criticism of Robert Bernstein, a founder of HRW who alse acted as the organisation's president for many years. However, they failed to provide a context for his criticism - which was again about HRW's work on Israel. Bernstein simply did not think HRW should consider human rights violations that may have been committed by Israel as it is an 'open society'. It is his view that HRW should only focus on closed societies. As HRW stated in response to this "Any credible human rights organization must apply the same human rights standards to all countries." Do the prosecutors disagree with that?

They also made a criticism of HRW recieving a very large grant from the Open Society foundation - with the prosecutor stating that this was 'temptation of the wealthy'. Again the criticism about this grant only comes from 'pro-Israeli' lobbyists - the article which the prosecutors referred to was written by the person who runs NGO monitor, who consider George Soros (the man who ultimately runs Open Society) to be against Israel.

However, there appears to be absolutely no link between the grant and Israel - and it appears unclear what was the nature of criticism which the prosecutors trying to make. HRW's press release about this states: "The grant is intended to support the internationalization of Human Rights Watch, enabling it to staff advocacy offices in key regional capitals around the world and to deepen its research presence on countries of concern. Human Rights Watch plans especially to increase its capacity to influence emerging powers in the global South to push a pro-human rights agenda."

2. Honduras
The prosecutors referred to 'criticism' made by academics concerning HRW's work on Honduras. However a reading of the statement given by the academics shows that the statement is less criticism and more an urging of HRW to publish more statements criticising the overthrow of the government in Honduras. The letter acknowledged that HRW had been 'quick to condemn the illegal coup d'etat of June 28 and the human rights violations that occurred over the following week, which helped shine the spotlight of international media on these abuses ...'. 

The tribunal prosecutors moreover failed to tell the court that four days later HRW published a press release referring to a report issued by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights. The press release stated:  
"The finding by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of widespread abuses in Honduras should compel the international community to take firm action, such as targeted sanctions, to resolve the country's ongoing crisis, Human Rights Watch said today.

The commission released a report on August 21, 2009, showing a pattern of serious violations under the de facto government, including excessive use of force, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, and attacks on the media, as well as several confirmed deaths and possible "disappearances." The commission also documented an absence of effective legal protections from abuse. 
"Given the ongoing abuses documented by the commission and the lack of effective legal protection, it is urgent that the international community exert concerted and effective pressure to restore democratic government in Honduras," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch.
It is rather difficult to understand what the prosecutors criticism was in relation to HRW's work on Honduras. Simply that HRW did not issue a press release quickly enough?

3. Ethiopia
The prosecutors also referred to criticisms of the Ethiopian government made in 2009 and referred in this connection to an Economist article titled, 'The government says Human Rights Watch has got it wrong. Really?'. Perhaps the prosecutors should have realised, simply from the title of the article itself  that the Economist was in fact supporting the HRW allegations. As the article states:
"The Ethiopian investigation did not, however, examine all of Human Rights Watch's accusations. Some executions listed by the group go unchallenged or are blamed unconvincingly on the guerrillas. The report skims over the Ogaden's humanitarian emergency, which Médecins Sans Frontières, a French-based charity, lists as one of the world's ten worst. The Ethiopian report flatly denies that the government blockaded separatist strongholds during a famine, thus starving civilians. The Ethiopians also lambast Human Rights Watch for not visiting the Ogaden, knowing that it was they who blocked the visit. They claim that the Ogaden has been open to anyone, yet most independent journalists have been banned from travelling there freely. Several aid organisations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, have been kicked out. Aid workers there speak only anonymously, for fear of expulsion."
Again, it is therefore not entirely clear what is the criticism against HRW here - unless it is to use comments made by any oppressive government as ammunition against the human rights organization.

4. "Employing Nazi supporters"
The prosecutor claimed in court that HRW employed 'Nazi supporters in war crimes investigations'. (This claim could perhaps have been put within the category of falsehoods, rather than misrepresentations - but there is some ambiguity here so it perhaps is best to discuss the claim here.)

The prosecution was referring to Marc Galasco, who was a collector of Nazi and US war memorabilia. He had worked at HRW since 2003 before the controversy erupted in 2009 about his interest in these memorabilia. Although there was no evidence that he had any nazi sympathies or was anti-semetic, he was accused of being so. He was initially defended strongly by HRW, but was shortly after suspended by the organisation pending an investigation, and he resigned in 2010. Interestingly, since leaving HRW, Garlasco served as senior civilian protection officer for United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), heading the UN's Protection of Civilians office and In early 2012, was the U.N. senior military advisor for the Human Rights Council's (HRC) Independent Commission of Inquiry on Libya, where he investigated civilian casualties. No criticisms seem to have been made about Galasco since joining the UN. A summary of the claims made by different sides of this argument can be found here.

At the very least the prosecutions claims that HRW was employing 'Nazi supporters in war crimes investigation' is very misleading.

5. "HRW appointed a known terrorist on its advisory board"
This is a highly disputed assertion, and if the prosecutors were going to raise this point, they should clearly have explained the nature of the uncertainty. Prosecutors were apparently referring to the appointment of Shawan Jabrain to its middle-eastern advisory board. Jabrain is the General Director of Al Huq, a highly respected palestinian human rights organization based in Ramallah. He has worked there since 1987, and states that he has not been involved with Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine since the mid-1980s. The Israeli security agencies do not beleive this and as a result he has been subject to a travel ban. To suggest that Jabrain is a 'known terrorist' - and imply that at the time he was appointed by HRW onto its advisory board he was an 'active terrorist' misrepresents the reality. It is notable that Amnesty International supported Human Rights Watch in calling for an end of the Israeli government's travel ban on him. It is rather suprising that the tribunal prosecutor would seek to rely on a judgement resulting from secret hearings of an Israeli court (see above about prosecutors and Israel). 

6. Conference paper by Paula Casaca, Executive Director, South Asia Democratic Forum
A long extract of a paper criticizing Human Rights Watch, which was submitted at a conference organized just last month, was read out by Tureen Afroz, a prosecutor - and given a great deal of authority by her in their attacks against HRW (See end section here).

There are however so many inaccurate assertions, confusing and misleading comments in the extract read out by Tureen - that it is unclear why she would seek to rely on it.
- Casaca said that HRW does 'not disclose the sources of its funding'. An inaccurate statement (see above)
- Casaca appears to think that if you support the end of impunity (which he acknowledged HRW said that it did), you can NOT at the same time criticise the process which has been established to end that impunity. He presumably believes that however unfair the system established to end impunity, it cannot be criticised. But clearly it is entirely consistent for HRW toboth support the principle of ending impunity in relation to 1971 crimes, whilst criticising aspects of the law established to carry this process out in order to ensure that the process of dealing with impunity is fair.
- Casaca claims that the only reason HRW gives for raising a concern about the role of 'politics' in the trial is a comment form the 'leader of the main opposition party, the BNP'. He then goes onto say: "It is quite extraordinary that HRW accusation of mixing politics with human rights is done on the sole basis of the declaration of a political leader; that is, HRW explicitly mixes human rights and politics and subsequently accuses others of doing so." HRW however have nowhere quoted the BNP leader to justify its view that 'the trials may not meet international fair trial standards and may be subject to political influence." It is unclear what Casaca is referring to when he makes this point
- Casaca criticises HRW for using the word 'atrocities' rather than the word 'genocide' in the title of one of its 2009 press releases. Casaca appears not to understand that the term 'genocide' is a legal term and that HRW may well at the time of writing the press release not wanted to pre-judge the issue.
- Casaca criticises HRW for failing to show the 'supposed contradictions of the Genocide definition used by Bangladesh and international law'. However, HRW's statements sets out those parts of the 1971 Act which are contradictory.
- Casaca then makes some a rather incomprehensible claim that HRW is behind an  “India/Bangladeshi conspiracy fabricating proofs against good Muslim leaders” - which is of course faintly ridiculous. A footnote in the article seems to suggest that HRW's press releases relating to the abduction of the Sukhranjan Bali (which Bali has now asserted to be true) and his presence in India, is part of a 'sectarian' agenda
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** An earlier version of this post stated that only donations above $25,000 were in the annual report. In fact, it is all donations received over $5,000 as now stated.